John Ford Point
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
William Capener House
The William Capener house is significant as one of several remaining stone residences in Centerville which were constructed during the town’s first period of growth and development. Stone dwellings here reflect the move from smaller log and adobe cabins of the pioneer years (1847-1860) to more substantial 9 permanent dwellings as Centerville entered a period of agricultural stability and prosperity (1860-1880). Built c.1875, the Capener house is an example of a two-story, single-cell type house with flanking wings, a dwelling form which has been recorded in the northeastern United States but which is rare in Utah. Capener was a carpenter and cabinetmaker by trade and lived in the house until his death in 1884.
The William Capener House is located at 252 North 400 East in Centerville, Utah and added to the National Register of Historic Places (#84002172) on January 5, 1984.
Upon the arrival of Mormon pioneers in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake in July, 1847, settlers immediately explored adjoining lands, seeking favorable sites for colonization. During the fall and winter of 1847, Thomas Grover pastured stock near a creek along the west bench of the Wasatch Mountains about twelve miles north of Salt Lake City. Joined by a few families in the Spring of 1848, a small settlement was established. In 1849, a townsite was surveyed and in the following year, Sanford Porter was appointed “presiding elder” over the Mormon community. Initially called the Deuel Creek Settlement (after the Deuel brothers who joined Grover therein 1849), and then the Cherry Creek Settlement, the town eventually came to be called Centerville by virtue of being situated midway between two other new towns, Farmington and Bountiful.
In 1852, a Mormon “ward” (congregation) was organized in the burgeoning settlement, and in 1854, a rock fort enclosing nine blocks of the townsite was constructed. The fort was one of the earliest of several pioneer structures to be made of native rock in Centerville. The town’s first structures had been made of adobe, a ubiquitous building material in early Mormon colonies. By the 1860s, however, most builders were using the native stone for their houses, schools, churches and stores. Due to an abundance of strong metamorphic and igneous rock in local fi lds( #nd streams, the predilection to use this material continued into the early 1880s, by which time bricK had become a more popular building material.
During the heyday of stone usage from the late 1850s through the mid-1880s, a wide variety of Mormon housetypes employed the multi-colored material. Although no scholarly study of Centerville 1 s residential architecture has been conducted to date, existing building surveys show that roughly twenty pioneer period rock homes remain in Centerville. These range from simple one-story, rectangular structures to more complex 1 1/2 and two-story residences with variegated plans and pretentions of style. Aside from their use of rock, the homes do not seem to be related in design or reflect the work of any particular builder. Each house has an identity somewhat distinct from the others, although some general 19th-century building traits are apparent, i.e., symmetrical facades, the imported Renaissance method of laying out dimensions of floorplans, and the use of locally made shingles, window sashes, framing lumber and trim. The Capener house’s two-story central section with flanking wings structure is only rarely encountered in Utah. This house form is associated with upstate New York and the Western Reserve area of Ohio, and it was one of a number of traditional forms brought to Utah by the Mormon settlers.
Many of Centerville’s extant stone houses have been severely remodeled. Additions, stuccoed rock walls, changes in original window sizes and shapes and other alterations have diluted the integrity of nearly all of Centerville’s older rock homes, including, to an extent, the William Capener house. In 1982-83, the house was remodeled by its current owner. Dormer windows were placed in both of the flanking hipped wings and across the rear of the house. While matching the materials of the original house, these additions may affect the historic integrity at the home.
William Capener, the original owner and builder, was born in London, England on July 30, 1806. In 1828, William married Sarah Verrander, also a native of London. In 1834, the couple emigrated to America, settled in Cleveland, Ohio where they ran a large hotel. In 1844, the Capeners became members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and in the fall of 1852, the family joined the main body of Mormons in Utah. They lived in Salt Lake City until 1873 when William took his family to Centerville. There he purchased a lot from Thomas Witaker and for his wife and eight children built the stone house completed in 1875.
In 1861, William married a second wife in keeping with the Mormon practice of polygamy at that time. His first wife died in 1863, leaving five children. By his second wife, Ellen Rigby, he had eleven children, including three born after the house was built. William was “sealed” (a Mormon ordinance performed in a temple, whereby a husband and wife are remarried for “eternity,” whether or not either party is alive at the time) to two additional women, but there is no evidence that they lived in his house as polygamous wives.
Capener was a builder, carpenter and cabinetmaker by trade. Like most men at the time, he also farmed. With Joseph E. Taylor as his partner, he operated a furniture dealing firm. Capener remained in Centerville until his death in 1884. Leaving 154 descendents, his life seemed otherwise unremarkable, as evidenced by this obituary comment: “Although Brother Capener was a man of no particular prominence, he was withal a strictly honest man, and such a one is said to be the noblest work of God.”
The rock home was retained by the Capener family after William’s death. His wife lived there until her death in 1908. For two years a family named Brown rented the house before heirs of Capener sold it to Samuel James Coombs in 1910. Coombs, a native of Utah, having been born in Rockville, Washington County, October 19, 1863, married Ann Eliza Alien in 1883. Samuel began a family, fathering eight children between 1884 and 1898. During these years he pursued his profession as a painter and wallpaper hanger. He aided in finishing the interiors of the Salt Lake Temple and Tabernacle. In 1910 he moved to Centerville where he purchased the Capener House and lived until his death in 1947. The home was retained by his wife until her death in 1965, at which time it passed on to her youngest son, Wallace Henry Coombs. Born April 21, 1898 Wallace was a foundryman who never married. He lived in the house until his death in 1980.
Since 1980, the Capener House has been vacant. In October of 1982, it was purchased by a general building contractor, John Marshall, and his wife Jori. They plan to restore and renovate the home, using it as their personal residence.
Still sitting on a one-half acre lot containing old trees, the house and site retains a degree of integrity of location, siting, materials, workmanship, feeling and association. Though the original design has been altered by the addition of dormers to the flanking hipped wings.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
Justus Wellington Seeley II House
Justus Wellington Seeley II, the original owner of this house, was one of the pioneers of Castle Dale and one of the town’s most prominent citizens. He initiated and encouraged many local improvements and was held in high regard by residents throughout the county. His importance was such that on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday in 1910 and again upon his death twenty-one years later, his picture and accompanying article occupied the top center of the Emery County Progress, the “Official Newspaper of Emery County”.
The Justus Wellington Seeley II House is located at 15 East 100 South in Castle Dale, Utah and was added to the National Register of Historic Places (#79002493) on November 15, 1979.
The Seeley house is a very plain example of T-plan one and a half story residence common in the early settlement of Utah. While other areas of the state were much more conscious of Eastern fashion by the 1880’s, the seventy of the Seeley house exterior reflects the late settlement of southeastern Utah.
Justus Wellington Seeley II, known as Wellington or “Wink”, first came to Castle Valley in 1877 at the age of 27, herding 375 head of cattle to their winter grazing grounds. That same year his older brother, Orange, received a call from President Brigham Young of the LDS Church to colonize the eastern side of the Wasatch Range. Seeley liked the country he had seen while herding so was willing to join his brother in settling the land. He decided to homestead, but had to locate and settle the land in order to claim it. In 1879 he started across the mountains from Sanpete to Emery County with his children, his pregnant wife, and Mrs. Mary Wilcox, a mid- wife. The inclusion of Mrs. Wilcox proved fortunate as his wife gave birth to a baby daughter, his third child, in Cottonwood Canyon on the way over. After a brief rest they continued their journey to the Emery County homestead.
Wellington Seeley and his family settled on land where the Seeleys had already visited. In the winter of 1875-1876, Orange Seeley had come with a group of herders to pasture their flocks and herds on the east side of the Wasatch Mountains. Orange built the first dwelling in the county, a dugput measuring 20 feet by 30 feet, on what is now the Seeley farm. Another group of herders (possibly including Wink himself) wintered dn thedugout in 1877-1878. The area’s population grew, and by the winter of 1878-1879 there were 137 residents in Castle Valley, including several families. The Wellington Seeleys joined this group in 1879 and settled on land familiar to them, establishing their farm at the site of the dugout. Seeley homesteaded 160 acres between the present towns of.Orangeville and Castle Dale, and filed for his patent in 1886 after several years of improving the land. By 1898 he was cultivating 210 acres and owned 4,500 head of sheep, about 10 percent of the entire sheep holdings in Emery County.
Other settlers experienced similar growth and as the towns of Castle Dale and Orangeville grew, the populace became concerned about communications with other parts of the region. Early in 1879 the citizens petitioned the Federal Government for a post office in their area due to the recent initiation of an overland mail route from Salina, Utah, to Ouray, Colorado, over the Gunnison Trail. The only Castle Valley settlement already on the route was Wilsonville, several miles to the south. On June 1, 1879, the Castle Dale settlers were officially granted a post office which also gave the town its name. The original settlement had been called Castle Vale; the U.S. Post Office, for unknown reasons, gave it its present nomenclature. However, the Castle Dale post office was located eight miles from the trail so the postmaster had to go to Wilsonville, the nearest point, to collect the mail. For the first six months the mail wasn’t even separated; after that Castle Dale got its own mail pouch and finally the mail was dropped off at both points. The men of Castle Dale volunteered to assist their newly appointed postmaster by taking turns to carry the mail from Wilsonville. “For about one year the brethren continued their gratis mail service and during the winter season of 1879-1880 were often exposed to severe storms; once or twice the parties carrying the mail matter came near losing their lives on the road.” This group of mail carriers undoubtedly included Wellington Seeley.
As was common in Mormom pioneer settlements, the establishment of LDS Church organizations was also of utmost importance. On March 3, 1879, the Castle Dale precinct was officially created, but due to sparse settlement and the difficulty of communicating over such a wide area, the people still paid their taxes to Sanpete County that year. By 1880 matters were sufficiently settled so that the tithes were paid locally.
In August of 1880 the first local elections were held, and Wink won a seat as County Commissioner on the People’s ticket. He was re-elected in 1882 and 1885 and served all three terms at half pay as money was scarce at the time. In 1890 he joined the Republican Party, remaining active in that organization for many years. During World War I he served as mayor of Castle Dale.
In addition to his civic accomplishments, Wellington Seeley worked hard to bring basic amenities of life to the fledgling community of Castle Dale. With his brother, Orange, he built the first burr mill in town, known as the Eagle Mills. Later he bought out Orange and in 1899 converted it to a roller mill for the more efficient processing of flour.
He also added a big boiler to the equipment and established an electric light plant in connection. His electric light system was inaugurated on January 4, 1904, the first electrification on the eastern side of the Wasatch Front. He also installed the first telephone in Castle Dale to corrmunicate between his brick house and the mill.
In 1889 Seeley attended the formative meetings of the Emery Stake Board of Education and proposed that the Academy be located at Castle Dale. He drew up the original plans for the building and was a long-time member of the committee charged with finding a suitable site. For many years he served as a member of the Emery Stake Board of Education.
In all of his positions, both civil and religious, he tried to acquaint Castle Valley with the advances taking part throughout the state and the region in communication, modernization, education and all other areas of concern. Partly through his efforts Castle Dale became the county seat. He was widely known throughout the area, and even had a town named in his honor. His sister, Sarah, had married Jefferson Tidwell who was called by the IDS Church to settle land in what is now south central Carbon County. When the settlers were deciding on a name for their town, Sarah suggested that it be called after her brother. His reknown was such that they approved the idea, and Wellington, Carbon County, is now a growing community of 1300 souls.
In addition to making community improvements, Seeley also provided for the comfort of his family. In 1878 he built the first lumber house in the area on his farm, not far from the old dugout. Eight years later he built the first red brick house in Castle Dale. The townsite was platted in 1889 and he bought several lots. He built this house the same year and it has remained in the family ever since. His first wife, Anna Reynolds- Seeley, bore her three youngest children in this house before she was thrown from a carriage and killed on November 18, 1895. Seeley married again to Mary Jorgensen of Mount Pleasant to \tan he deeded this house in 1918. She bore him four more children and gave this house to her youngest daughter, Dora, in 1939. Dora Seeley Otterstrom still resides in the house. Ihe Justus Wellington Seeley house is still in excellent condition. Its eight-inch- thick walls are made of adobes and faced with red brick, a common pioneer building technique. The bricks were shipped from upstate and hauled in wagons from the railroad terminal at Price. Family tradition holds that the bricks came from Morgan. 7 Brick of the same color and appearance was made there to build the original railroad depot and the extra bricks were sold throughout the state. The dark red color of this brick is unique for that period in Castle Valley. All interior partitions are also adobe, resulting in a very sturdy, durable structure.
Wink worked on the building himself, but the chief mason was the first Bishop of Castle Dale, Henning Olsen. BishopiOlsen was widely reknowned as a builder; in his first major construction effort he helped to build the Fort at Ephraim. He later built the IDS Meetinghouses at Ferron, Huntington, and Lawrence and directed the construction of several homes in Castle Valley. He and Wink were friends, and Wink served as his second counselor for several years.
Two major factors contribute to the excellent preservation of this house. The first is Wellington Seeley’s innovative nature. Because of his early acceptance of “new-fangled” inventions, later renovations proved unnecessary. For example, this was the second house in Castle Dale to be wired for electricity (after the house of his younger brother, William Seeley). The second factor has been the continuing family ownership of the house, a tradition ^ich will be perpetuated.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
Huntington Roller Mill and Miller’s House
The significance of the Huntington Flour Mill comes from its continual operation since 1896. It has always been an integral part of the community and entire surrounding area, providing flour and feed for generations fo farmers and townspeople from all over Carbon and Emery counties.
The Huntington Roller Mill and Manufacturing Company was organized in 1893 and officially incorporated on January 7, 1895, with officers and directors gleaned from Huntington’s leading citizenry. Three and seven-eights acres of land was deeded to the company by George A. and Olive M. Humble on April 24, 1893, and another five aco?es by Charles and Ann Pulsipher on January 24, 1895. According to J. Albert Jones’ history of Huntington, “The mill was built on a site about a quarter of a mile west of the northwest corner of the townsite at the foot of a small hill . . . The two former bishop’s (sic) Bishop Elias Cox and Bishop (sic) Charles Pulsipher set up their sawmill between the roller mill and the hill and presumably sawed the lumber used in construction of the flour mill, as well as sawing lumber for the corrmunity . . . The logs for sawing were hauled from the Canyon with teams and wagons. “
The Huntington Roller Mill and Miller’s House is located at 595 West 400 North in Huntington, Utah and was added to the National Register of Historic Places (#79002495) on September 27, 1979.




The main carpenters to work on the mill were: Oliver J. Harmon, William Hunter, William Marshall, Peter Johnson, James P. Johnson, Charles Jensen and George W. Hales. Some of these men were also shareholders in the corporation.
The mill was first powered by a steam engine from the nearby sawmill, but that proved unsatisfactory. A flume and penstock were then built from the town ditch a few yards to the south to divert the water to a wheelhouse on the south side of the mill. Inside the wheelhouse was a Pelton metal undershot wheel which was used to generate power when water flowed through the flume. The wheel, 8 feet in diameter, was set 6 feet into the ground to increase the force of the water flowing under it. In the fall, when most of the grinding was done, the ditch would become clogged with leaves, diminishing the water power. In the winter it froze up, halting work for the season.
The company then tried using a larger, rope-driven steam engine, but were forced to return to water power. When miller Olaf William Sandberg arrived in 1917, he realized that the only solution was to install electricity. As his son, Willard Sandberg, describes it: ” . . .he went to Utah Power and Light. And I think he had to pay $2,500 to have them put a line up there; it was about two blocks. And he had to sign a guarantee of so much power usage a year. He had to buy the wiring, and he had to buy the transformers . . . ” After that he could mill all fall and winter. The Pelton wheel was buried where it stood.
Up until 1925 when the mill was officially sold to Olof Sandberg, it was run by a corporation known as the Huntington Roller Mill and Manufacturing Company. Its first president was Christopher Wilcock, who seemed well-suited to the job as he had previously been half-owner of a shingle mill. He was one of the prime organizers of the company, and actively encourage others to join. The corporation then hired several millers to run the mill. First they lured Ludrick Miller from Sanpete County, them Lewis Marshall, Lewis W. Johnson and Isaac Black,
But the mill was not a very profitable venture under their direction. Olof William Sandberg took over as miller in 1917. He had worked in a series of mills since age 14 and, according to the Sandberg family history:
This venture, from the beginning was the hardest of all that the couple had to face. They paid $5,000 for the mill plus another $3,000 for a lawsuit brought about because of a mortgage which was not known to have existed at the time of the purchase. Besides this, Olof found that it was a corporation that owned the mill and he had to pay off each sotckholder to become sole owner of the mill, Olof paid off the stockholders. Along with the disappoint- ment and strain of the legal trouble, they found the water power for running the mill was worthless and the machinery was badly in need of repair . . . Before they took over the mill, people used to come to get flour in a bread pan for a batch of bread.
A lot of flour was lost during the milling process because it squeezed out of the joints of the flour spouts. These were held together with nails, which worked loose with the vibration of grinding. Sandberg replaced them with screws, installed electric power, built on an addition at the rear of the mill and set about upgrading its operation.
It didn’t (sic) take long for Olof to find out that he had settled in the poorest milling wheat district that he had ever been in. He called it a “two crop” wheat because it was planted in the spring and only part would come up. Then after more irrigation some more of it would come up, making the harvest wheat of inferior quality. He had two carloads of hard wheat hauled into the mill where he gave it to the farmers for seed wheat to be planted in the fall, This wheat came up free of weeds and the harvest yield was a good quality of wheat. During the harvest season, the mill was running all day and far into the night. It wasn’t long until the mill had built up such a good reputation throughout the area that Olof had almost more work than he could handle and many times during the harvest season, wagons were lined up from the mill to Geary’s corner waiting to be taken care of by the mill.
These wagons came from all over Carbon and Emery counties, the area traditionally served by the mill. In January of 1895, Spring Glen pioneer Teancum Pratt mentions going to mill graham wheat at the HuntLngton roller mill.H Non-Mormon :inmigrants also began to require the mill’s services. A son of Italian immigrants describes how in the early 1900’s his family took a wagon and team to the Huntington Mill twice a year, spending up to fice days for each trip. They got flour for bread and took the bran and “shorts” as feed for their pigs. 12 The people from out of town had to camp out by the mill while their grain was ground until Olof William Sandberg started the system of “exchange work.’ Willard, Olof’s son explains:
For every bushel of wheat, in return the farmer would get 30 pounds of flour, 14 pounds of bran. What was left over in my dad’s day, that was what profit he made on it. I didn’t do it in my day, in my time. They brought their wheat in there on deposit and they came and got what they wanted. Cash, flour, feed, or anything they wanted. Feed was on a cash basis and flour, I did do a little exchange on that but I gave them 28 pounds of flour on a bushel of wheat. When I first started it was 36, then it went to thirty, and finally to 28, They never said anything about it either, when I dropped( it. Well, I told them this way. I had these ingredients I had put in it, cost money, and I shipped in wheat to improve the quality, so I never had any trouble in that respect.
Willard Sandberg, who was deeded the mill by his father in 1953, became a miller because of the Depression, He learned something of the business as a young boy, helping to sack flour and sew the sacks in his father’s mill. After high school he left Huntington and eventually wound up in New York, where he worked in a bank for eight years. Then the Depression hit. “The bank I was working at had 7,500 employees and let 2,500 go at one crack … My father needed somebody to help, so I started in the mill and I kind of modernized it a little bit , . « Instead of making one straight grade type of flour, I made three grades. And I put in an electric sewer for the bags.” In order to make three grades of flour he needed hard wheat in addition to the soft wheat his father introduced. So Willard Sandberg introduced hard wheat to Emery County in the middle 30 ( s and got the farmers to raise it, However, the locally grown wheat couldn’t meet the demand for flour, so wheat was shipped in from northern Utah and Idaho, Truckers would haul wheat to the mill and haul coal from Carbon County back home. Willard Sandberg also coined the name, “Castle Valley’s Best” for the flour, added a pellet mill in 1961 to produce livestock feed, and started enriching the flour as decreed by law in 1942 or 1944. He started a regular weekly delivery service to retail stores in Carbon and Emery counties, one in Sevier County, and went once a month to Fruita and Moab. The once-weekly trip through Emery County used to dispose of 3,000 to 4,000 pounds of flour. Now the demand for flour has dropped off sharply, except in Carbon County. “Carbon County, I believe, bakes as much now as they did years ago. The Italians and Greeks . . . They wouldn’t take this Wonder bread, take a bite of it and wonder what you got in your mouth.”
The mill is continuing to diversify under the new miller, L. Jay Powell, who has been running it for about seven years. He and his younger son work together at the mill and will have title to it on January 1, 1982. They plan to:ocontinue operating and improving it into the foreseeable future.
Not only has the mill expanded its products over the years, it has also expanded its connections with the rest of the world. Willard Sandberg served two terms as president of District 12 of the Association of Operating Millers, which is comprised of the entire state of Utah. TSis is an American-based international association which holds annual meetings in various cities around the U.S.A. (last May they met in Salt Lake City). Millers come from as far away as the Middle East, South America, Asia, and Europe. They discuss common problems, and manufacturers of milling equipment display their wares. The international nature of the organization is essential, as all interior milling machinery is now made outside U.S.A., primarily in Germany, Switerzerland, Italy, France and England.
The Huntington Flour Mill is becoming something of a rarity in this country. As Willard Sandberg explains, “In 1920 there was (sic) around 10,000 flour mills in the United States . . . There’s less than 250 now . . , Small ones are gone and the big ones have gotten larger. The largest mill in the country is in Buffalo. It makes enough flour in 24 hours for a loaf of bread for everbpdy in the United States.” As a small working mill with a fascinating past and a viable future, the Huntington Flour Mill should be preserved.
Directly to the north of the Huntington Roller mill is the Miller’s home. It was built around 1910 as a residence for the miller, and has always been sold with the mill. The house and land were sold separately from the mill parcel for the first time in 1974; however, the current miller, L. Jay Powell, bought it. (He is presently buying the mill as well.) Jay’s oldest son, Kimball Powell, lives in the house with his family and up until December 1, 1978, he also worked in the mill. One can therefore sya that the miller’s home has always been and continues to be associated with the mill.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
Johnson Ranch House
The Johnson Ranch House is a single-cell random-rubble sandstone house located near Hastings Road along the east bank of the Green River 21 miles northwest of Crescent Junction, Grand County, Utah. The house, constructed circa 1906, is the best preserved example of vernacular random-rubble sandstone and cottonwood log single-cell construction remaining in Southeastern Utah. The Johnson Ranch House is one of only a handful of rock dwellings constructed in Southeastern Utah, all of which were built during the development of the region between 1871 and 1915. The Johnson Ranch House is a rare example of this type of isolated dwelling and the only known example that retains most of its original integrity. The house is a significant local architectural resource.
The area surrounding the Johnson Ranch House is an approximately 100-acre gently sloping alluvial plain formed by the local intermittent Rock Creek and Green River below the 700-foothigh sandstone and shale Book Cliffs. The Johnson Ranch, an approximately one-acre fenced site located on the lowest tier of land above the Green River floodplain. In the floodplain are large cottonwood trees, tamarisk, greasewood and other smaller river vegetation. The site has some remaining artifacts of its century-old occupation, although many have been removed by artifact hunters.
The Johnson Ranch House is located along the Green River in Grand County, Utah and was added to the National Register of Historic Places (#100002636) on June 28, 2018.
The Johnson Ranch House, a single-cell random-rubble sandstone and log house located in a remote area of Grand County, Utah, has local significance under Criterion A and C in the context of exploration and economic development in Southeastern Utah during the first decades of the twentieth century. The Johnson Ranch House is a remarkably enduring monument to a period of intense development that changed the people and the land of Southeastern Utah.
Constructed of local sandstone and logs circa 1906 and abandoned before 1916, this house is significant under Criterion A in the area of Social History for its association with the dramatic transformation of the American West between 1870 and 1915, and mostly particularly after the passage of the 1902 National Reclamation Act. The National Reclamation Act allowed the Secretary of the Interior to designate power and irrigation projects and to establish a reclamation fund from the sale of public lands to finance projects in the arid Western United States. The legislation ushered in a period of intense land speculation based on the idea that reclamation projects would be quickly developed and new areas would shortly open to agriculture. The Johnson Ranch House was built during the height of the post-1902 Green River speculative boom and was directly related to both agriculture and a large-scale dam project. Although there is no specific historical documentation of its construction, the Johnson Ranch House was probably built in 1905-06 by members of the Charles Peter Johnson family with the intent to receive a Desert Lands Patent with Green River water and to also serve as a mercantile post for workers on the Coal Creek Buell Dam project several miles up-river. The built traces of that defining but ephemeral boom period have almost all disappeared, making the Johnson Ranch House an even more exceptional and significant local architectural resource.
The Johnson Ranch House is also significant under Criterion C for its unique vernacular randomrubble sandstone and log roof construction. The house is the best preserved and only known remaining late nineteenth- and early-twentieth century vernacular random-rubble sandstone and cottonwood log single-cell structure with integrity in Southeastern Utah. The Johnson Ranch House is also one of only a handful of rock dwellings constructed in the Tavaputs Plateau and along the Green River, all of which were built during the Euro-American settlement and development of the Green River between 1871 and 1915. The Johnson Ranch House retains almost all of its original form, roof and structural system and is a unique and significant local architectural resource.
Social History in Southeastern Utah
The Johnson Ranch House is significant under Criterion A in the area of Social History for its association with the agricultural development of the arid, high desert Book Cliffs region surrounding the Green River. The house is associated with the patterns of development in the Intermountain Region of the American Southwest, including the post-Civil War cattle grazing boom, railroad development, the Homestead and Desert Lands Act, and most importantly, the Reclamation Act of 1902. The Johnson Ranch House was built during the height of the speculative boom caused by the Reclamation Act and was directly related to both agricultural development and large scale dam projects.
The story of this small house begins with the Green River, one of the major features of the Intermountain Region of the Rocky Mountains flowing through Southeastern Utah. The Green River, which gathers runoff from as far north as the Wind River Mountain Range in Northern Wyoming, combines with the Colorado River fifty miles south of the Johnson Ranch House and is one of only a handful of dependable year-round water sources in the region. Although it flows continuously, the Green River was largely uncontrollable, with large annual variations in depth and flow, and traveling through soaring canyons unsuitable for agriculture.
After President Theodore Roosevelt signed the National Reclamation Act in 1902 and set in motion the dramatic transformation of the American West in order to “reclaim” land for productive agricultural use. The Act allowed the Secretary of the Interior to designate power and irrigation projects and to establish a reclamation fund from the sale of public lands to finance the projects and ushered in a period of intense land speculation based on the idea that reclamation projects would be quickly developed and new areas would shortly open to agriculture. Because of its large capacity and soaring canyons, the Green River attracted much speculation and spawned many power and irrigation dam schemes. However, due to its geography, the Green River remains largely the same as it was before any people lived along its banks.
The Green River Buell Dam Site at Coal Creek
Civic leaders and speculators made plans for ever larger dam projects, including a 1904 plan for a 160 foot-high power generating dam and irrigation canal system across the Green River at Coal Creek, 25 miles above the D&RGW Railroad junction and 11.2 miles above the Johnson Ranch House. The plans were put forward by a group of Utah developers including O.S. Buell and engineer William B. Searle, incorporated under the name the Grand Canyon Dam Company. Work began in 1905 to build a road to the Buell dam site, a difficult prospect due to the sheer walls of Gray Canyon which rose just past the Johnson Ranch House. Seasonal construction efforts continued at the dam site for several years, until the 1913 untimely appendicitis death of William B. Searle in New York City as he searched for additional funding for the dam project. The Johnson Ranch House was likely constructed with a dual purpose of as a way station and mercantile operation supplying dam site construction operations homesteading and a location with access to the Green River. Two years after the dam project ended, there are no further records of habitation at the Johnson Ranch, further tying the two ventures together.
Unfortunately the unpredictable water flows, difficult geography and intemperate agricultural climate shortly laid waste to the imaginative plans of all of the developers and opportunity seekers who came to develop the Green River. The 1907 dam created above Green River to irrigate the east side of the Green River washed out in its first year and was maintained for only a few years when it was again washed out by exceptional flooding. The existing small irrigation schemes were not large enough to support the approximately 50,000 planted fruit trees and almost 20,000 died due to lack of available irrigation water. The fruit trees which survived suffered serious frost damage almost every year between 1909 and 1913. The Green River agricultural boom ended before 1915, when it became apparent fruit growing would never be viable in the area and none of the large irrigation schemes had been approved or funded.
Johnson Ranch House History
The Johnson Ranch House was probably constructed in 1905-06, by members of the Charles Peter Johnson family to serve as a way station and mercantile post for workers on the Coal Creek Buell Dam project several miles up-river. The ranch house is located 14 miles above the nearest town and 11 miles below the Buell Dam site at Coal Creek, a mid-point for freight and horse travel along the Green River to the dam site. The Johnson Ranch House may have also been constructed to secure a Desert Lands Patent application for land and water rights from the Green River, although the Power Site easement in 1909 removed the opportunity for land patents along the Green River and no patents were ever approved for the site.
Green River explorers, surveyors, and local government entities identify the single-cell stone house as the Johnson Ranch House in contemporary newspaper accounts, maps and diaries. When Ed F. Harmston, civil engineer and founder of Roosevelt, Utah, surveyed the Green River in the summer of 1913 to determine if a railroad could be completed between the Roosevelt, Utah in the Uintah Basin and Green River, Utah, he outlined his visit to the Johnson Ranch House in a trip chronicle published October 17, 1913 in the Vernal Express Newspaper:
Johnson’s ranch 14 miles above Elgin, at this point we leave our horses and are provided with a team and white top spring wagon to complete our journey with; here we are able to buy water melons (sic), raised by irrigation from a gasoline pumping plant, and fresh eggs for our table.
The Harmston diary account matches the memories of long-time resident on the west side of the Green River above Green River, Utah, Dudley Swasey, who identified the owner of the house as “A Jackson Hole, Wyoming guy who bought horses lived there. He had gear hanging behind cabin, but he didn’t build the cabin”.19 The 1922 Utah Power & Light Survey of the Green River survey map specifically identifies the Johnson Ranch House at mile 174.2 and Elgin at mile 184.6 as they surveyed the River from its origin to the rail junction at Green River. H.J. Stoner, a member of the exploration and survey team outlines their visit to the Johnson Ranch House on September 13, 1922.
Although Johnson family records don’t indicate who lived in and operated the ranch, it is likely that it was run by Peter Johnson, in conjunction with Lawrence and Oscar Johnson, all sons of Charles Peter Johnson. Peter Johnson owned property in nearby Elgin, Utah and had his tax notices delivered to the Johnson Ranch, as well as Shoshone, Idaho where Charles Peter Johnson and two other sons were located in the 1910 census. Oscar Johnson was single at the time, and what were likely his 1913 initials were located in a recent archaeological survey of the area.
With the end of construction on the Coal Creek Buell Dam Site in 1913, the economic reason for the Johnson Ranch House disappeared and the house had already been abandoned when Government Land Office surveyor George Kirkpatrick traveled up the Green River in 1916 and commented on the irrigation ditches. In 1922, when Utah Power and Light and the U.S. Geological Survey traveled from Green River, Wyoming to Green River, Utah surveying possible dam sites, the Johnson Ranch was also deserted, according to H.J. Stoner’s diary entry for September 13, 1922.24 The Johnson Ranch location is identified by name and location on the Utah Power & Light Green River Profile and Cross-Sections Split Mountain Damsite to D&RGRR (Elgin) Map published December 26, 1922.
After the Johnson family left the house, it was utilized by federal land employees and sheep herders with range permits in the area. The house was identified on an undated U.S. Grazing Service map created between 1939 and 1946 and it was specifically requested to be leased, lived in and improved by sheepherder Florenz Aubert in 1939. The lease application was never formally approved, but the land surrounding the Johnson Ranch House continued to be used for accessing the Green River and cattle and sheep grazing. The Bureau of Land Management application history notes that Dahl Aubert, grandson to Florenz Aubert, still ran cattle in the same area in 2001. The Johnson Ranch House has remained largely empty ever since 1915, but the arid climate, lack of water and development have allowed the house to remain largely unchanged since that time, an enduring testament to a brief moment in Green River history.
Charles Peter Johnson History
Charles Peter Johnson was born July 4, 1846 in Bornholm, Denmark and immigrated to the United States in 1868 after joining the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) in his native Denmark. Charles Peter married Annie Christoffersen, another Danish LDS immigrant who had arrived in the United States in 1858, and then on November 21, 1870 in Salt Lake City, Utah. After their wedding, Charles and Annie moved to the Utah Scandinavian enclave of Spring City, Utah and lived there until 1882 when called by LDS Church authorities to move to Price, Carbon County, Utah to create an LDS colony. During his time in Spring City and Price, Johnson was a store owner, blacksmith, house builder, farmer, cattle and sheep rancher, and saw mill operator. He and Annie had eleven children in Spring City and Price, nine of which survived to adulthood. In March of 1900, Johnson sold his property in Price, purchased 100 acres from prominent local Green River farmer J.T. Farrer for $10 per acre and homesteaded an additional 80 acre parcel along the Green River. By 1906, Charles Peter Johnson owned 368 acres on the west side of the Green River, near Elgin and the D&RGW Railroad junction.
Charles Peter Johnson and his sons were a key component in the agricultural boom which occurred in Green River and Elgin. In early March of 1906 Charles Peter Johnson was elected president of the Canal Company and also as superintendent of the canal and dam. Just one week later, he sold his 368 acres for $100 per acre to eastern land speculators who incorporated the Green River Land and Livestock Company and began to widely market home and farm sites.31 After the sale, Charles Peter Johnson and his grown sons looked at purchasing a general store and 400 acres of land in nearby Ferron, Emery County, Utah. According to local newspaper accounts, the Johnson family intended to engage in the mercantile and cattle and dairy business. Charles Peter Johnson paid a deposit on the property, but soon defaulted, causing the property owner to sue the Johnson family. Additionally, heavy snowfall and spring runoff caused the Green River Canal Company irrigation reservoir and canals to wash out again later that spring of 1906, harming local farmers. Charles Peter Johnson and two sons, Louis and Niels, moved to Shoshone, Lincoln County, Idaho and purchased and homesteaded property and began farming and cattle ranching operations, which they would continue until the recession following World War I, when the family scattered and moved back to various places in Utah. Charles Peter Johnson passed away April 30, 1930 in Provo, Utah.
Architecture
The Johnson Ranch House is a single-cell random-rubble sandstone house located near Hastings Road along the east bank of the Green River 21 miles northwest of Crescent Junction, Grand County, Utah. The house is the only known standing and best preserved early 20th century singlecell stone dwelling remaining in Southeastern Utah. The Johnson Ranch House is also one of only a handful of rock dwellings constructed in the Tavaputs Plateau and along the Green River, all of which were built during the Euro-American development of the Green River between 1871 and 1915. The house retains almost all of its original form, roof and structural system and is a unique and significant local architectural resource.
Prehistoric stone construction was common in the Book Cliffs region of Southeastern Utah prior to Euro-American settlement in the mid-nineteenth century. Archaic, Fremont and early Ute culture sandstone and wood-roofed granaries, houses, pits and cists dotted the landscape throughout Southeastern Utah. Early Euro-American settlers would have been exposed to the stone and small-log construction methods of Native American people, ruins of which still remain. Stone construction was much more difficult and time consuming than wood construction, however the high-desert climate of the region, with its low precipitation, extreme temperature variations, lack of available timber stands and large amounts of available sandstone rubble made the construction technique one of the most viable construction methods for longterm shelter in this remote area until to the introduction of the automobile. The small amount of available water required ranches and farms to be widely distributed and the soaring cliffs and rough terrain limited road access to individual ranches located in canyons throughout the Book Cliffs. Surveys and 1930s Colorado River litigation documents identified only five ranches along Green River in the Desolation and Gray Canyon area.
The Johnson Ranch House is unique and significant due to its excellent physical integrity. The house is the only known example of random-rubble sandstone and log single-cell construction with integrity remaining in the region. There are ruins of five similar single-cell houses located in Southeastern Utah, none of which have structural integrity or roof structures. The area’s public land ownership, limited road accessibility and remoteness have contributed to its preservation. Although it was abandoned by its dedicated inhabitants prior to 1916, the structure was maintained both by the Bureau of Land Management and its predecessor U.S. Grazing Service for grazing enforcement and land management. The Johnson Ranch House was also maintained by sheep-grazing permittee Florenz Aubert and his descendants who used it between the 1930s and the 2000s, using it for sheep shearing and summer range access. The Johnson Ranch House is currently accessed by a rough dirt road which allows river-runners access to short day trips down the Green River, but no other features. Historically the site would have been the last automobile access point for horseback forays into the extensive summer grazing areas up the 700-foot high bluffs east of the Green River. Geography and lack of paved road past the Johnson Ranch House have allowed it to be maintained and also to avoid both vandalism and development.
Two related but larger random-rubble sandstone structures are located at the Buell dam site fourteen miles above the Johnson Ranch House. One structure is a large stone building with two doors and two windows on the front façade, probably used as a bunkhouse. The other structure is a dugout with no windows and a single door located on the gable end. Both structures feature similar large-block coursed-rubble corners with random-rubble infill, soft mortar and large cottonwood log beams. However, these were commercial structures for Buell Dam project employees or storage rather than single family habitation and neither structure has identical construction characteristics to the Johnson Ranch House.
Ruins of only five known documented late-19th and early 20th century random-rubble single-cell structures have been located in other remote canyons of Southeastern Utah. None of these structures have integrity and two are rubble piles with no standing walls. These are located at Nine Mile Canyon and Price Canyon west of the Green River, Saleratus Canyon east of the Green River in the Book Cliffs, Starr Ranch in the Henry Mountains, the Stone Cabin in Arches National Park southeast of Moab, Utah. There are also two coursed-ashlar sandstone cabins located at Florence Creek related to the McPherson family and at Rock Creek related to the Seamount family and a coursed-ashlar magma ranch house at the Starr Ranch near Escalante. These three structures are larger, multiple-bay structures with good wall integrity due to their cut stone façades but no remaining roofs. Although there have been archaeological surveys through parts of this enormous and largely uninhabited area, it is possible that there are other vernacular stone structures which have not been identified.
Summary
The Johnson Ranch House has local significance under Criterion A and C in the context exploration and economic development in Southeastern Utah during the first decades of the twentieth century. Constructed of local sandstone and logs circa 1906 and abandoned before 1916, this house is significant under Criterion A in the area of Social History for its association with the dramatic transformation of the American West between 1870 and 1915, and most particularly after the passage of the 1902 National Reclamation Act. The Johnson Ranch House was built during the height of the post-1902 Green River speculative boom and was directly related to both agriculture and a large scale dam project. The built traces of that defining but ephemeral boom period have almost all disappeared, making the Johnson Ranch House an even more exceptional and significant local architectural resource. The Johnson Ranch House is also significant under Criterion C for its exceptionally unique single-cell random-rubble sandstone and log roof construction. The house is the best preserved and only known remaining late nineteenth- and early-twentieth century vernacular single-cell random-rubble sandstone and cottonwood log with integrity remaining in Southeastern Utah. The Johnson Ranch House is also one of only a handful of rock dwellings constructed in Southeastern Utah, all of which were built during the development of the Green River between 1871 and 1915. The Johnson Ranch House retains almost all of its original form, roof and structural system and is a unique and significant local architectural resource.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
James W. and Mary K. Loofbourow House
Built in 1911, the James W. and Mary K. Loofbourow House is significant as one of the very few remaining large and elaborate residences constructed in Price during a period of considerable building activity around 1910. The robust local economy at that time encouraged the construction of some of the most substantial commercial and public buildings in the community, as well as a number of residences. This house, with its two stories and its distinctive eclectic styling, represents the upper range of residential architecture in a community consisting primarily of one-story pyramid cottages and bungalows. Its well-preserved interior, particularly the elaborate woodwork on the main floor, contributes to the architectural significance of the house.
Located at 187 North 100 East in Price, Utah and added to the National Register of Historic Places (#86000722) on April 10, 1986.
James W. and Mary K. Loofbourow purchased the property upon which this house was built in April 1910, but it was not until the spring of 1911 that construction of the house actually began Brief newspaper accounts described the house as “an eight room frame building…modern in every way,” and as “one of the costliest [residences] in Eastern Utah.” By September 1911 the house was “about ready for occupancy.” Local tradition holds that the house was built by Lars Gunderson, a prominent local contractor, but there is no evidence from the newspaper accounts to support that claim.
James Wilbur Loofbourow was born in Columbus, Ohio in November 1859 and came to Utah with his wife, Mary K., and son, John S., in the early 1890s. By 1900 he was a resident of Price and was serving as manager of J.C. Weeter Lumber Company, a Park City-based company. It was the first lumber company established in Price and one of the longest lived. Mr. Loofbourow’s involvement in the lumber business may account for the elaborate woodwork in this house. In addition to his business activities, James W. Loofbourow served as county treasurer in 1903-04, and he was elected mayor of Price in 1924, serving one two-year term. Around 1936, the Loofbourows, accompanied by their daughter and her son, moved to Long Beach, California, where they remained for the rest of their lives. Mary Loofbourow died in the late 1930s or early 1940s, and J. W. Loofbourow died in 1946.
Marie and Riley E. Moss purchased this house in 1918 from the Loofbourows, and it remained in the Moss family for the next 51 years. The Mosses operated a jewelry business and clothing store in Price for many years. Other owners of this house include Dr. Orrin Selman, a professor at the College of Eastern Utah, who eventually rented out some of the rooms to college students, and Wayne and Carolyn Erickson. The current owners, David L. and Shauna F. O’Brien, bought the house in 1980. In 1983 they commenced renovation of the house which resulted in the restoration of many of the original features as well as the addition of a garage and living area on the rear.
This house is one of the Loofbourow’s two principal residences in Price. They lived there from 1911 until 1918, then in 1921 had a bungalow constructed one block away at 205 N. Carbon Avenue, where they lived until at least 1930. Their married daughter, Ruth Southworth, purchased that home from them at that time, though it is possible that they continued to live there with her after that. While living in that house James W. Loofbourow was elected mayor of Price, serving one two year term, 1924-25. Of these two Loofbourow houses, the bungalow on Carbon Avenue is more closely associated with Mr. Loofbourow’s significant contributions in the community. He lived in that house for a slightly longer period, and while living there he served as mayor.
The Loofbourow House is architecturally unique in Price, and it is one of the few large, elaborate houses constructed in the city during the early twentieth century. Only two other well preserved houses of similar size and vintage have been identified in the community, and neither of them exhibit the degree of both interior and exterior architectural quality found on the Loofbourow House. One of those houses, the Moynier House, was determined eligible for the National Register in 1982. Unlike the eclectic styling of the Loofbourow House, the Moynier House is a straightforward example of the Box Style. Similarities between the two houses include their construction dates, their two-story box-like form, and the narrow horizontal siding on their exteriors. The vast majority of houses in Price are one-story bungalows or pyramid cottages constructed during the early years of the twentieth century.
In addition to substantial residences such as the Loofbourow and Moynier houses, a number of important commercial and public buildings were constructed in Price during the period around 1910. They include the Price Carnegie Library, the Carbon Stake Tabernacle of the LDS church, the Carbon County Courthouse, the Weeter-Parker/Mahleres-Siampenos Building (National Register 1982), and the Hellenic Orthodox Church (National Register 1973). The growth and vitality of the community at that time can be attributed to the robust local coal industry, which has served as the primary economic force in Price and Carbon County for the past century.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
Camillo Manina House
The Camillo Manina House, built c.1928, in Spring Glen, Utah, is significant under criteria C as a unique type of domestic dwelling in Utah. The design of the building appears to have been derived from typical vernacular housing in the northern-Italian hillside country from where Camillo Manina immigrated. Spring Glen, and nearby Helper, in Carbon County, Utah, have perhaps the largest per-capita Italian-American population in the state. In spite of the large number of Italian immigrants, this house is the only residence of its type in Carbon County, and the only known house of its type in Utah. Constructed by Camillo Manina, the Italian vernacular house form and site design represent the continuation of Italian traditions transplanted to a new land.
The Topolovec Farmstead is located at approximately 1756 West 4000 North in Spring Glen, Utah, it was added to the National Register of Historic Places (#99000618) on May 20, 1999.







Spring Glen is a small town in central Utah located between Helper and Price, the two principal towns in the area. The city of Helper, located 120 miles southeast of Salt Lake City, in Carbon County, was first settled in the early 1880s by Teancum Pratt and his two wives, Annie and Sarah. However, it wasn’t until the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railway was introduced in 1881-82 that the population became established and started to increase. Possibly one of the most ethnically diverse communities in the state at the time, Helper attracted immigrants from several Mediterranean and Eastern European countries. Most of the settlers came to Helper to work for the railroad (which built several frame houses for employees), or to mine coal. Helper (so named for the “helper” locomotives that assisted freight trains up the steep grade northwest of town), received an influx of Italian immigrants in 1903-04, who were blacklisted from the nearby Castle Gate mines because of an unsuccessful strike. After settling in Helper, many of them planted fruit orchards, thus providing a much-needed commodity to the area. Several Italian-owned businesses were established up until the Depression. Since that time, the mining industry has seen fluctuations in the market that have affected the population of Helper and surrounding communities such as Spring Glen. Much of the Italian and Eastern European populations remain and continue to have a strong cultural influence in the area.
Camillo Manina (also spelled Mannina) was an Italian immigrant who was born August 12,1885 at Susa Novalese in the Torino province of northern Italy in the Italian Alps. He grew up in a small town surrounded by hilly, terraced fields. Because the land barely yielded a living, he immigrated to the United States in the early 1900s, settling first in Dawson, New Mexico, where he learned to mine coal. He later came to Carbon County, Utah (probably around 1920) and worked in the coal mines there for the remainder of his life. He first lived in the Peerless Coal Camp, and in 1924 bought this small farm in Spring Glen from Elnora Miller Davis. Camillo never married, but worked the farm with the help of other Italian bachelor neighbors, Domenic Conca, John Manina (a distant cousin of Camillo), and also Virginio Marzo, a widower, and his four children. All of these families were originally from the same part of Italy and provided the sort of family ties typical in their Old World villages
Camillo Manina, in following with the traditional customs of his homeland, determined the design of the house and directed its construction, though the whole group worked together to build it. They first collected stones from the surrounding farm land by rolling them on a stone boat1 and dragging them to the house site with a team of horses. The older men had learned to cut stone in their native Italy and shaped the rocks at the site to fit into the walls. After the first story was completed, Manina lived in the building for awhile. In 1930 the Helper roundhouse for the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad was abandoned and later demolished. Manina and the others took their wagon and team to collect some of the bricks from that structure which were used to build the second story of the house. For mortar they had to go down to the Price River near the present Carbon County golf course to get the sand and gravel. The stone retaining wall at the front of the property and the steps leading up to the house were added at an unknown later date by Camillo Manina and Domenic Conca.
When the mines were idle during the summer months, Manina devoted himself to farming. He terraced the land behind his home using techniques learned in the Alps of his native Italy. There he planted a big orchard with all sorts of trees: peaches, pears, apricots, plums, apples, and cherries. The men also grew their own grapes and made their own wine. They had their own cellars which are still remaining on the property. Manina and his neighbors cooperated in the tilling and harvesting the fields so together with Conca, John Manina, and the Marzos, their adjoining property resulted in a virtually self-sufficient farm. In later years Manina went to live in a boarding house in Helper, but his property remained in excellent condition until his death in 1974, after which it was left vacated and undisturbed. The present owner has left it in this condition for nearly a quarter of a century.
Architectural Significance
This house is typical of those in the farming areas of northern Italy from where the builders immigrated. The pattern of construction followed closely that of the architettura populare, or vernacular architecture of Italy, where materials were often collected for the construction of buildings. In this case it would be the collection of cast-off brick for the construction of the second story, or the collection of used railroad ties for the retaining wall.
The layout of the house also corresponds to regional Italian vernacular architecture. |n the hillside architecture of northern Italy, the main living quarters were on the second floor and cows were kept on the first floor (which was kept very clean, just as the second floor was). During the cold days the whole family went downstairs where the men talked or played cards and the women knitted, spun, shucked corn, or did other chores. They sat on benches that were set into walls while the children played in the manger under the watchful eyes of the parents. At night, the body heat rising from the animals helped somewhat to warm the sleeping quarters on the second floor. It was also traditional for these houses to have a second-floor balcony forming a porch on the first floor so people could sit in the shade outside in the warmer weather.
Although the Manina House is possibly the only one of its type constructed in Utah, the main floor plan is similar to the hall-parlor house which was the most popular type built in the state during the 19th century. As Utah became less socially isolated from the rest of the country with the introduction of the railroad in the early 1870s, Victorian forms became more popular and the hall-parlor type (usually with an austere, classically inspired exterior) fell out of favor. Scattered examples remain that were constructed in the early 20th century, but for the most part the hall parlor is a 19th century type with roots in Medieval England. The late-hall-parlor plan combined with northern Italian hillside architectural influence truly makes this a unique vernacular structure on the Utah landscape.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
Clerico Commercial Building
The Clerico Commercial Building, constructed c.1914, is significant under criteria A and C. Under criterion A it is significant for its association with the commercial development of Spring Glen, Utah. The original owners of the building, Battista and Gabriella Clerico, were Italian immigrants who greatly contributed to the business and social life of the surrounding mining communities. The Clericos’ (and particularly Gabriella’s) entrepreneurship and hard work allowed them to succeed despite several set- backs. Because of their determination, the Clericos were able to construct this building, which housed various businesses, and succeed economically. The building is also architecturally significant, under criterion C, as one of the best preserved of only a few remaining historic commercial buildings in Spring Glen. The town did not turn into a commercial center like many had hoped. Buildings to house the few commercial ventures in town were scattered throughout the community, and of the few that were actually designed as commercial buildings , the Clerico Building is in the best state of preservation and retains the most historical integrity.
The Topolovec Farmstead is located at 4985 North Spring Glen Road in Spring Glen, Utah, it was added to the National Register of Historic Places (#99000619) on May 20, 1999.
Spring Glen is a small town in central Utah located between Helper and Price, the two principal towns in the area. The city of Helper, located 120 miles southeast of Salt Lake City, in Carbon County, was first settled in the early 1880s by Teancum Pratt and his two wives, Annie and Sarah. However, it wasn’t until the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railway was introduced in 1881-82 that the population became established and started to increase. Possibly one of the most ethnically diverse communities in the state at the time, Helper attracted immigrants from several Mediterranean and Eastern European countries. Most of the settlers came to Helper to work for the railroad (which built several frame houses for employees), or to mine coal. Helper (so named for the “helper” locomotives that assisted freight trains up the steep grade northwest of town), received an influx of Italian immigrants in 1903-04, who were blacklisted from the nearby Castle Gate mines because of an unsuccessful strike. After settling in Helper, many of them planted fruit orchards, thus providing a much-needed commodity to the area. Several Italian-owned businesses were established up until the Depression. Since that time, the mining industry has seen fluctuations in the market that have affected the population of Helper and surrounding communities such as Spring Glen. Much of the Italian and Eastern European populations remain and continue to have a strong cultural influence in the area.
The property on which the Clerico Commercial Building was constructed in 1914 first belonged to Francis M. Ewell, who received a patent for it on September 2,1890. Francis and his wife, Fanny M., were among the first settlers in Spring Glen. On February 3, 1906, Fanny deeded a portion of the land to Jennie Sonberg for $200. Jennie and her husband, Charles, then conveyed another portion of the land by warranty deed to J.C.H. Sonberg on February 1, 1908. Two and one-half years later, on June 28, 1910, J.C.H. and Karen Sonberg deeded a large portion of the farmland to Clerice Battista1 for $3,500.
Battista and Gabriella Clerico, a young couple living in Italy, were seeking better economic conditions than what their country had to offer and in 1897, along with thousands of other Italians, immigrated to the United States. After immigration processing at Ellis Island, New York, they traveled by railroad boxcar to Diamondville, Wyoming, where Battista contracted to work in the coal mines. Things did not go well for them in Wyoming, so they moved on to a mine in Castle Gate, Utah. Here they lived in an earthen dugout at Gentile Wash in nearby Willow Creek.
Gabriella was distraught in the downturn of their standard of living and about having to give birth to their first-born daughter under these conditions, so she decided to return to her hometown of Turin, Italy, to be re-employed by her former patrona. Besides working for her patrona, she worked for three other households as well and saved a large amount of money. Battista, by this time, had also saved enough money to buy some land, but unfortunately he was injured, being crushed in a mine cave-in. Although he survived, he would no longer be able to perform heavy labor, and much of his savings was used to cover his medical bills. When Gabriella learned of her husband’s accident, she and her daughter Mary returned to Castle Gate to care for him.
In 1904, Gabriella had her first son, Albert. In her frustrations in 1906, she began looking for a farm. She had to go by foot, and after hours of walking she collapsed from exhaustion and hunger. This occurred in the area of Spring Glen, a small agricultural area just south of Helper. After a difficult time trying to find a landowner who would sell some property to her (which was further frustrated by differences in language), Gabriella managed to purchase with cash, several acres of land that included a well. To be certain of the bargain she consulted her banker, lawyer, doctor, priest, and the marshal.
The land they purchased began east of the current property, on the east side of Spring Glen Road (State Route 139) and the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad, and extended from the west end of the property, across the Price River and continued on the west side of where Highway 6 & 50 is now. There they constructed a small log cabin with a wood plank floor, one door, two rooms, and one window. There was also an outhouse they called “the office.” The log cabin was eventually destroyed by fire so the Clerico’s built a brick bungalow.3 They also hired the builder “Diego Mike” Pesseto to build a large barn. Also on their property was a wash house which doubled as a bath house. Inside was a coal stove and a copper-tub washing machine. The wash house also served as an apartment for men who worked on the farm. They worked for $1.00 a day and room and board during the Depression. The property Gabriella had purchased came with a horse and buggy, and the land had several fruit trees. They raised all their own cows, chickens, and pigs from which they made their own butter, cheese, sausage, salami, ham, and bacon. They also grew hay and grain, and with their hay baler they contracted out baling throughout the county.
Gabriella became one of the few women in the area who was heavily involved in peddling produce and home-baked bread at the coal camps, for this was one of the few acceptable economic activities in which immigrant women could engage. She traveled to the various coal camps around the Helper area, including Spring Glen, Kenilworth, Spring Canyon, Standardville, Latuda, Mutual, Rains, Helper, and Castle Gate. She would not return until she had sold everything in her wagon. Gabriella would also knit sweaters and socks for everyone. With her treadle Singer sewing machine, she would sew Portland Cement sacks into towels, Semolina flour sacks into petticoats and bloomers for the girls, or Utah & Idaho sugar sacks into sheets. She was a model of heroism in adversity and taught her progeny industriousness, honesty, cheerfulness, frugality, and abundance of appreciation for the bountiful blessings of life in America. Her motto was “Sempre Avante” (Always Forward) It carried her from poverty to prosperity. She was a real planner and a good record-keeper. With a ten cent notebook and pencil, she kept track of all receipts and expenditures, paying her bills ahead of time (for a discount) and was particularly prompt with property taxes. She was always ahead of time for appointments .
The Clerico’s fortunes would eventually expand from the farm to the development of two commercial buildings and five rental homes. They additionally financed several farms for their friends and helped establish their sons in businesses of their own. The Clerico’s believed that Spring Glen Road, then known as the Public Highway, would someday be a busy commercial area, as Helper’s Main Street was. So, along this road they decided to build their commercial buildings. In April 1914, they mortgaged their tract of land for $2,000 and began to build this, their first commercial building.5 Battista Clerico hired Italian-immigrant rock masons as laborers to construct the building. They had no English language skills and were staying with the Clerico’s at the time, so they built the structure in exchange for room and board.
Around 1933, Maude Domico turned the basement of the Clerico’s first commercial building into a dance hall with a bar, and dinners were served to their patrons. Afterwards, Tom Anast and his girlfriend, a Ms. Horning, ran the bar. Lastly, Paul Butler managed the bar and dance hall. During this period while the coal mining was at its most prosperous the building was known to house a brothel. But for a time during the Depression the Clerico’s could not find a business tenant and the building sat vacant.
Battista and Gabriella had six children all together, Mary, the eldest, Albert(July 1904-June 1968),7 John (Oct. 1906-March 1974), Peter (Sept. 1911-July 1963), and Margaret (Paluso). One died of pneumonia at 6 months. Battista lived from 1878 to May 3,1941. He was a well-known member of the community and was noted for his ambitious nature and progressive attitude. He was a member of the Stella Di America Italian Lodge of Helper. At age 63, he died from complications following amputation of a leg. Gabriella lived from January 1877, to August 1,1959. She lived 18 more years after Battista’s death and died after a series of strokes at age 82 leaving her 5 children, 11 grandchildren, and 14 great-grandchildren.
After Battista Clerico’s death in 1941 there was a decree of distribution (April 1942) and title of property was given to his wife, Gabriella. On November 18, 1946, Gabriella Clerico passed title of a large parcel of land (2.4 acres), which includes this property, by warranty deed to her eldest daughter, Mary, and her son-in-law, Michel “Mike,” reserving for herself a life estate. But following a property dispute, on September 12, 1950, the property was conveyed by corrected warranty deed to her widow daughter Mary Erramouspe. Michel “Mike” lived from 1895 to July 9,1949 and Mary lived from 1903 to 1973. They had three children, Margaret Turcasso, Katherine and Gene Erramouspe.
On January 31, 1964, when Mary Erramouspe sold the property by Warranty Deed to Jose E. and Floy E. Torres for $4,000. Jose Torres worked for the Denver & Rio Grand Western Railroad and Floy was a homemaker. Jose Torres passed away on February 26, 1982, soon after his retirement from the railroad, at age 60; consequently, the title went solely to Floy E. Torres who now resides in Salt Lake City, Utah. The Jose Torres family made many renovations to their new property and home (described in the narrative description). On April 27,1987, Floy E. Torres sold the property the current owner, Karen Jean Torres-Flemett (no relation to the previous owner).
Architectural Significance
A majority of the commercial buildings in the region (including Helper and surrounding towns) are of brick construction. The Clerico Building, although lacking in extraneous architectural detail, relies on its masonry work as its greatest visual asset. Because it was constructed of stone by Italian-American stonemasons, the Clerico Building is a unique structure in the community. There is one other building similar to the Clerico Building in another part of town. However, the building has been abandoned for decades, is smaller, and does not have the rock-faced stonework of the Clerico Building. The asymmetrical five-bay facade of the Clerico Building does not ascribe to the tenets of typical store-front commercial architecture, but was probably adapted for the needs of the businesses which did not require large display windows. (The original businesses, according to Margaret Turcasso, the Clerico’s granddaughter, were an ice cream factory on one side and cigar factory on the other). Despite the nontraditional storefront and the facade’s skewed layout, the interior bilateral division is implied by the placement of the two front entrances next to each other. Although no longer completely divided by a wall inside, the doors still open into separate rooms.
Commercial buildings as an architectural type have only recently, within the past one and one-half decades, been the object of serious research and typological classification.9 Because of the endless variation of commercial floorplans, classification is mainly based upon the appearance of the front facade. The facade is most commonly the only area that is visible from the street, particularly when a row of buildings are constructed abutting one-another. Interior layout of commercial structures was purposely left open to allow for flexibility in partitioning based on individual requirements. For this reason any type of broad-based classification based on interior plans is not possible.
The Clerico Commercial Building most closely fits the typology of the one-part commercial block. This type of commercial building is usually a one or two-story structure that commonly has a row of large, plate-glass display windows and an open area above the fenestration for signage. The one-part commercial block is found throughout the state, from very small communities to larger cities. This type of building is commonly associated with the false-facade, wood-frame architecture of many frontier settlements, but is just as frequently found in examples constructed of more-permanent materials with full-height exterior walls on all facades.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
Topolovec Farmstead
The Topolovec Farmstead, originally built in 1913 and enlarged in 1925, is primarily significant for its local association with the early twentieth religion science sculpture social/ humanitarian theater . . transportation other (specify) century immigrant cultural experience in the Carbon County coal mining region of southeastern Utah. Purchased by August Topolovec, a Slovenian miner, in 1922, the large two-story residence represents both a symbol of immigrant success and an architecturally unique dwelling in the community of Spring Glen. The house served as one of two main social centers for South Slav activity in this multi-ethnic community. Combined with the Millarich Hall (MR), the Topolovec Farmstead figured prominently in the cultural life of the Slavs, as Topolovec served as the treasurer for the local lodge of the Western Slavonic Association. This insurance/mutual aid society eased the transition of the Slavic immigrant into the rigors and demands of an industrial society; and as treasurer, Topolovec held a responsibility in accounting for the funds used by the immigrants for insurance, medical benefits, and to provide for the descent burial of their people. Topolovec’s buying of the farm also symbolized the evolution of immigrant intent from that of a temporary status in the United States to one of permanence. The purchase of a substantial home sustained this commitment to stay, and further acted as an outward sign of security and success. In addition, the house is also significant because it represents the new wealth injected into the area after the arrival of the railroad and the creation of the nearby town of Helper as a main division point in the 1890s. The residence was constructed in 1913 by Frank Jerome, an entrepreneur from Helper, who had the resources to build this unusually extravagent house in a community of camp houses and bungalows — a house that would later serve the changing needs of the Spring Glen community.
The Topolovec Farmstead is located at 4323 North 2000 West (Main Street) in Spring Glen, Utah, it was added to the National Register of Historic Places (#82004117) on August 9, 1982.

The history of Spring Glen (Ewell), Utah can be divided into three stages. The first settlers of the area were Mormon pioneers whose initial concern was to bring water to the land and to provide the necessities of life for the community. The first owner of the property on which the Topolovec farm stands was Heber John Stowell, the first Mormon bishop of Spring Glen (ordained in 1889). He arrived in the region in May 1886, helped to organize the Spring Glen Canal Company in December of that year, settled down on this land, and finally patented it in 1894. With the help of his neighbors he dug the first ditch, started in 1887 and completed seven years later. The Stowell ditch is still in use and waters the property of the Topolovec farm and others in the immediate vicinity. During this initial period of settlement, agriculture was the main form of local subsistence.
The second stage in the growth of Spring Glen was linked to the development of the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad, and the growth of Helper, a railroad town two miles to the north. During the late nineteenth century rail expansion occurred throughout the western United States, and the D&RG was completed through this area in 1883. In 1890 Helper was designated as a division point on the railroad’s main line, between Grand Junction, Colorado, and Salt Lake City. Here “helper” engines were coupled onto trains to power them over the steep grade and summit (Soldier Summit) to Salt Lake City. Without these helper engines the commerce of the entire Intermountain West would have suffered. The creation of Helper as a main terminal encouraged settlement into the area, especially those involved in the service industries. The railroad had opened-up the vast coal deposits of southeastern Utah, and with this industry came professionals, merchants, immigrants, and laborers.
Frank Jerome entered the region at the turn of the century. The Jeromes had migrated from Kansas or Nebraska, and arrived in the Spring Glen area where Mr. Jerome entered into the Saloon business, opening one saloon in Helper and reportedly another in Spring Glen. Both concerns were in partnership with other individuals. Thus, he represented the rising merchant class of the area. In 1913 he erected the present structure in Spring Glen, probably due to the existence of large tracts of land in that community. Jerome furnished it with some of the finest furniture then available, including a desk, full-length mirror and stand, brass bed, and other items which still remain in the house.
The house represents the largest and most architecturally unique residence in Spring Glen. A majority of the other dwellings are of the rectangular pyramid-roofed type (four rooms) or bungalows, and lack the scale, ornamentation, and design present in this structure. After 1906, when independent coal producers broke the monopoly of the D&RG’s Utah Fuel Company, new coal camps emerged. With this development came a transition of Spring Glen and surrounding towns where coal miners, railroad section hands, and merchants came to settle. The Jerome residence stood in stark contrast to the camp-type houses of Spring Glen.
Oral testimony places Jerome as one of the wealthiest men in Spring Glen. His first wife, Ella, bore him one living son before she died in 1918,, For reasons unknown he left Spring Glen and sold the land to the present owner, August Topolovec, in 1922. It is reported that Jerome probably moved to Helper where he still remained a Justice of the Peace for Spring Glen from 1922 until 1928.
The third and final stage of growth in Spring Glen was due to the influx of immigrants. The United States as a whole had experienced an increase in immigration beginning in the late 1840s. It continued and increased, with the influx of southern and eastern Europeans, until nativism (anti-foreign sentiment) led to the immigration restriction legislation of the early 1920s. By then, most of the immigrants had come to Carbon County with the result that the area is the most ethnically diverse in Utah. These peoples were drawn to the county by labor opportunities in the coal mines and for the railroads. August Topolovec, the present owner of the farmstead, was part of this movement to the “New World.” An immigrant who had mined coal for seven years in his native Yugoslavia, he came to the United States in 1910. 6 had worked in several mines in Utah and Colorado, exhibiting the He characteristic fluidity in geographical mobility evident among many of these immigrants. He was at Standardville, Carbon County, when the nation-wide coal strike erupted in 1922. During the strike August Topolovec bought the farm from the Jeromes, probably to provide some security in the face of the instability of the coal mines. In addition, the purchase of a house, especially one of this scale, represented a mark of economic success, as well as the fulfillment of a dream not easily attained in Topolovec’s native land. In fact, in order to make faster payments on the property, the Topolovecs rented the house for the first year, but after the renter was forced to leave the family immediately took up residence in the house and have lived there since that time.
During Topolovec ownership of the residence and land two important factors emerged that illustrated the farmstead’s importance to community development. First, the property was transformed into a working farmstead, providing nearby coal camps with needed produce and goods. August Topolovec and his sons continued to work in the coal mines while farming part-time. Such was often the case among the peasants of southern and eastern Europe; thus, this pattern was continued and maintained in Spring Glen.
In 1925 two Slovenian brothers, George and Leonard Mahorich, sought a place to live, and with August’s permission they constructed the small frame house at the rear of the main house. Leonard paid board and continued working in the mines, while George ran the farm. In 1926 Leonard built the barn, and the other outbuildings were erected at about this same time. Eventually, the farm produced wheat, alfalfa, corn, hay, and all varieties of vegetables and fruits. The family also raised milk cows, horses, pigs, chickens, turkeys, ducks, and bees. During the summer months, when work in the mines eased, the Topolovec boys peddled their farm produce in the surrounding coal camps of Kenilworth, Consumers and National, and to those in the Spring Canyon area. Customers also stopped by the house to purchase food, with Julia Topolovec handling the sales from the front room. Mrs. Topolovec also made butter and cottage cheese for sale, and often sold milk to the Blue Hill Dairy, a Spring Glen enterprise owned by the Italian Fazzio family.
This aspect of the Topolovec experience is of particular importance since the family now represented one entering the business sector of the economy, partially leaving the ranks of labor. This transition from the proletariat to the local bourgeois occurred among many Carbon County immigrants. Those involved were most conscious of the change and the acquisistion of the Jerome residence may have been a way in which August Topolovec expressed this to the rest of the community.
The second factor illustrating the farm’s importance to the community is found in its role as a cultural and social center for the Slavic peoples of the area. By the 1920s Spring Glen contained numerous Italian and South Slavic peoples. The town was to serve as a main center for South Slav activity. In this regard, people were drawn to the Topolovec farmstead primarily by the Western Slavonic Association (Zapadni Slavenski Savez), an insurance/mutual aid organization headquartered in Denver, Colorado, which served all Slavs in the western United States. Such organizations were started to help mitigate the ill effects of employment in industrial occupations, and served as fraternal lodges for immigrants living in a strange environment. August Toplovec served as the secretary-treasurer for the local lodge and members came to him in order to pay monthly dues. The first meetings of the Spring Glen lodge were held at this site, and in the future were also held here as well as at Millarich Hall(NR). They were usually conducted at the frame house in the rear, where lodge parties were also held. These social gatherings usually involved food, drink, and a general informality reminiscent of traditional folk socials. In addition, the Topolovecs boarded local school teachers, sometimes upstairs in the main house or in the smaller frame house after the Mahorich brothers moved out in 1928.
In 1939 August married his present wife Mary, after his first wife and only daughter were killed in an accident in 1936. With Mary’s four children and brother living in the house, the residence was again fully occupied. At this time (1939) the main house underwent its only major remodeling. A bathroom was added on the ground floor, the kitchen was modernized, and the old heating stoves were removed. Part of the front porch was also removed in 1939, but the house otherwise remains unchanged since 1913.
The farm remained in operation until 1945, when the last of the live stock was sold. In 1949 most of the land was subdivided among all the children of August and Mary, and the youngest Topolovec boy, Sylvester, was granted joint title to this property with his father. Sylvester intends to retain the house and eventually restore it to its original external appearance by replacing the rest of the front porch. This plan is strongly supported by his brothers and other relatives who remain in the area. In the meantime, however, the peace of the elder Topolovecs will remain undisturbed by construction.
The preservation of this site should definitely be encouraged by its inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places. It was identified as significant through an architectural and historic survey of Spring Glen and Carbon County, and is only the third known site in the state of Utah considered as significant in documenting the lives of South Slav immigrants (the Millarich Hall/Slovenian National Home (NR) and the Anton “Tony” Skriner barn in Spring Glen (to be nominated) are the others). With the current energy demands and the revitalization of the coal industry, Carbon County is undergoing rapid change and new development. National Register listing is seen as an important tool in ensuring the preservation of this cultural resource. The farmstead not only retains its integrity, but the main house has unique and beautiful architectural features. The property as a whole provides an important visual record of the growth and change of the town of Spring Glen, and the existence of the South Slavic immigrants in Carbon County, Utah.
30 Tuesday Jun 2026
Posted in Uncategorized
Tags
Martin Millarich Hall
The significance of the Martin Millarich Hall/Slovenian National Home lies in the important role it has played in the life of the South Slavic community of Carbon County, Utah; and in the history of the Utah labor movement, having served as a focal point for striking miners during the coal strikes of 1922 and 1933. The Home remains one of various Homes throughout the U.S. It is the only Slovenian Home in Southeastern Utah,
Martin Millarich Hall is located at 4323 North 2000 West (Main Street) in Spring Glen, Utah, it was added to the National Register of Historic Places (#80003894) on October 31, 1980.
Utah’s coal industry was greatly stimulated by the completion of the Denver and Rio Grande Western Railroad between Denver and Salt Lake City in 1883, and by the discovery in the late 1880s that Southeastern Utah coal would produce a high quality of coke. In order to meet the demand for coal, a large number of foreign miners, especially Finns, Italians, and South Slavs, were encouraged to settle in Utah to meet the need for labor.
South Slavs, that is, Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs lived in the Austrian provinces of Kustenland and Carniola, located in the kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, and in the Vojvodina (all later to become part of Yugoslavia). In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries South Slavs, as many other southern and eastern Europeans, were involved in a general population movement their immigration to Utah was but one manifestation of this experience.
The first South Slavic workers arrived into Utah in the late 1890s, laboring in the Carbon County coal fields. Such initial settlements were temporary, in the sense that they were exclusively male, who were highly mobile, willing to move wherever better wages were available. A second wave of immigration occurred during the period prior to World War I. According to the leading authority on South Slavs in Utah, the bulk of Slovenes who came to Utah at this time settled primarily in the Carbon County coal camps. More stable communities were established during this phase.
One of these immigrants was Martin Millarich (Mlinaric). He had first gone to Wyoming in 1900, but by 1903 was residing in Sunnyside, a coal camp in Carbon County, Utah. Around 1906 he settled in Spring Glen, acquiring title to two pieces of land adjacent to the present Slovenian National Home; one to the north in 1907 and one to the west in 1908. The land where the home stands was owned at that time by George Shefflar (Sheffnar), another Slovene. A wooden tavern was built on the site of the home with the cooperation of the Slavonic community, and Martin became the manager. He was Pabst Blue Ribbon distributor for the area, and a railroad spur ending right behind the tavern was used to bring in carloads of beer. He also had an ice cellar on the property directly to the north in order to keep the beer cold.
According to family tradition, the local Mormon Bishop John Thompson Rowley came to call on Martin Millarich soon after the tavern opened. When Bishop Rowley told him that the Mormons didn’t approve of his having a tavern there, he replied, “You know, Mr. Rowley, the road out front runs right past this place, and the door swings open and shut for whoever wishes to enter, but I do not go out into the street and grab people by the arm and force them to come in.”3 He had no problems from any of the community after that. The hall served as a kind of social center for the Slavic miners who had begun to acquire property and build homes in the Spring Glen area and the Slavic miners who lived in the nearby coal camps until it was destroyed by fire in 1919.
In 1922 a strike situation again occurred. Local miners joined the nation-wide coal strike and were forced out of company housing. They set up a “tent city” on Millarich 1 s property and all along the lane to the north and south, and several became his patrons. To pay off their debts and in return for the use of the land, the striking miners aided in the construction of a new brick building on the site of the old wooden one. The passage of Prohibition (1920) precluded opening another tavern, so by 1924 the Spring Glen Bottling Works, owned by Martin Millarich, was bottling soda water in the present brick building. He later added living quarters to the rear, another bottling works was erected to the north, and the brick building was converted back into a tavern called “Martin’s Place” after the repeal of Prohobition in 1933.
In 1923 Martin Millarich acquired half interest in the Spring Glen Bottling Works/Slovenian National Home property, sharing the title with Frances and John Vimpolsek, also of Slovenian descent. The Vimpolseks were killed by a train at a crossing in Carbonville around 1930, and Martin Millarich gained complete title to the present Slovenian National Home.
Being a place of business, “Martin’s Place” was one of the first buildings to have indoor plumbing and a telephone. The bar fixtures presently in use in the Slovenian National Home were purchased and installed by Martin Millarich when he reopened the tavern in the 1930s. The pink “vanity” desk in the ladies rest room was built by Leonard Mahorich, another Slovene, many years before that. Leonard had done quite a bit of carpentry work for many families in the area throughout the 1920s.
The early 1930s were a desperate time for miners. In 1928 began the first in a series of wage reductions, and the lower wages became coupled with fewer days work. Unionizing activity, unsuccessfully tried by the United Mine Workers in 1903-1904 and 1918-1922, was again resumed. The exhausted U.M.W. had abandoned their efforts in Utah, but a rival union, the National Miner’s Union, was gaining strength.
The National Miner’s Union was organized in 1928 by disgruntled United Mine Worker members who claimed they had been sold out by John L. Lewis and the U.M.W. during the 1927-1928 strike in Pennsylvania and Ohio. The National^ Miner’s Union adopted a much more militant and socialistic approach to Unionism than the United Mine Workers. The National Miner’s Union aim, as stated in its fundamental principles, was to organize and lead “. . . the miners’ struggles against the capitalist owners of the mining industry, . and their agents, for better working and living conditions . . to participate in the struggle for abolishing the capitalist system and replace it by socialism.”
During May 1933 National Miner’s Union organizers, Paul Crouch and Charles Guynn, arrived in Carbon County and began organizing activities. The Millarich Hall was rented as headquarters for the union. Miners were encouraged to visit the union leaders at the hall, a women’s auxiliary and youth section were also organized there and the hall was used for some of the Sunday meetings and Saturday night dances sponsored by the National Miner’s Union. At one of the first meetings held in Millarich Hall the Union leaders openly showed their communist sympathies by displaying a red banner with hammer, sickle, and a sheaf of wheat. However, communism was not warmly regarded by most of the community, and the National Miner’s Union members later tried to hide their sympathies.
Millarich Hall served as headquarters for the National Miner’s Union until the first part of August 1933, when a change was made to the Radiant Roller Rink, also in Spring Glen. As the strike progressed, National Miner’s Union militancy increased. In the mean time, upon learning of the National Miner’s Union presence in Carbon County, John L. Lewis ordered an immediate organizing campaign by the United Mine Workers.
Coal operators found the more moderate approach by the United Mine Workers much more acceptable and within a short time the United Mine Workers and coal operators had formed an alliance aimed at driving the National Miner’s Union out of Carbon County. They were ultimately successful but not until a summer of tension, fights, and near riots had passed.
During the late 1920s and early 1930s the Millarich Hall was often used for purposes other than unionizing. Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (L.D.S. or Mormons) of whom Martin’s second wife was one, would hold meetings there. The church members would bring chairs from the church or school and meet in the then vacant front part of the present Slovenian National Home. In addition, dances were held for the various “lodges” of the S.N.P.J. (Slovenian National Benefit Society). The band would perform on a raised platform by the front windows, or perhaps there would just be an accordianist, such as the popular “Matika.” Slovenes from all over the area would attend, and everyone had a good time.
In 1963 the National Slovenian Home in Spring Glen was privately purchased from Martin Millarich’s daughter, Dorothy Losik, by some of the local Slovenian Community. These included the Tomsics, John and Charlie Bezyack, and Valentine Vouk and his family. It is unaffiliated with any of the National Slovenian organizations, but is used by several of the nationally affiliated local lodges to hold parties and dances. The participating lodges are the S.N.P.J. (Slovenian National Benefit Society), the Western Slavonic Association and the Croatian Fraternal Union. The lodges continue to provide the insurance and death benefits for which they were organized at the beginning of this century, and the Martin Millarich Hall/National Slovenian Home continues to serve as a meeting place for the Slavic community, foster the preservation of Slavic customs and provide the social and recreational activity that it always did in Carbon County.