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Tag Archives: Escalante

Hole-in-the-Rock Trail

14 Wednesday Jun 2023

Posted by Jacob Barlow in Uncategorized

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Bluff, Escalante, Garfield County, Kane County, NRHP, San Juan County, utah

Hole-in-the-Rock Trail

The Hole-in-the-Rock Trail is significant because of its importance in the Mormon exploration and settlement of Utah and the San Juan country of the southwest. The trail reflects the commitment and courage of a people who were convinced they were a part of a divinely inspired and directed mission. The Hole-in-the-Rock Trail is an important symbol of the Mormon colonization effort in the intermountain west during the last half of the nineteenth century. Although the settlement ..cane at a relatively late date in this history, the descent through the Hole-in-the-Rock and the persistence in constructing a road through one of the most rugged and isolated sections of the United States illustrates the fortitude of the American pioneer and serves as a vivid lesson to other generations of the importance of commitment and cooperation in meeting the challenges of their day.

Hole-in-the-Rock Trail is in Garfield, Kane and San Juan Counties in Utah and was added to the National Historic Register (#82004792) on August 9, 1982.

The Hole-in-the-Rock Trail is significant as one of the last remaining and best preserved pioneer trails in Utah and the United States. While almost all routes used by pioneers in Utah have evolved into major highways, the Hole-in-the-Rock Trail, except for a few sections, has not. Because of the lack of development along the trail, it has, in many places, remained unchanged. Original cribbing, cuts blasted out by the road builders, stumps of trees cut to allow passage through the cedar forests, traces across the mesas and along the valley floors, important natural landmarks and Indian ruins remain unchanged since they were described by the travelers. In a few places, parts of original wagons are found along the trail.

The construction techniques and engineering of the pioneer road which are still visible illustrate the needs and limitations of a different form of transportation than we know today.

The Hole-in-the-Rock Trail is also unique in that it was not used very much after it was constructed. Most trails and roads are significant because of the heavy use they received and the role they playsd in the history of transportation. The Hole-in-the-Rock Trail, in contrast, is important primarily for its construction.

The settlement of the San Juan region by Mormons in 1880 was a continuation of the practice initiated with the arrival of the first Mormon pioneers in Utah in 1847 and which lasted more than fifty years into the twentieth century. The colonizing effort by Mormons in the intermountain west led to the establishment of nearly four hundred communities found as far north as Canada and into Mexico on the south. While each of these settlement efforts required, in some measure, the sacrifice, commitment and pioneering ability of Utah’s first Mormon settlers, the efforts of those men and women who built and crossed the Hole-in-the-Rock Trail, loom, in retrospect, larger than any other pioneering endeavor in Utah and perhaps the entire west. As the historian of the Hole-in-the-Rock expedition, David E. Miller, noted it was truly “An Epic in the Colonization of the Great American West.”

The San Juan region was, and is still, one of the most isolated parts of the United States. The country is extremely rough and broken. The canyons of the Colorado River and San Juan River and their tributaries are usually characterized by sheer walled cliffs several hundred feet high, while the surrounding mesas, hills and washes with their bone jarring slick rock, cedar forests and sand presented their own obstacles to transportation. In addition, by 1880 the San Juan Region was the last area in Utah of occupation by a large number of Indians as the San Juan River was something of a natural meeting area for Navajos, Utes and Paiutes who occupied the region.

Given the isolation from other Mormon settlements, the closest was Escalante about two hundred miles away, the ruggedness of the country, the questionable agricultural potential of the region, the availability of more assessible virgin agricultural land in other areas, and the threat of Indian hostilities, it is understandable why the settlement of the San Juan area came in the twilight of the Mormon settlement effort. That the settlement was not delayed longer than 1880 was due to the need to cultivate better relations with the Indians, to insure Mormon control of the area thereby increasing the security of Mormon settlements to the west and providing a springboard for future Mormon settlements to the east, south and north.

Despite an avowed Church policy to feed rather than fight the Indians, as Mormon settlements pushed into southern Utah and Northern Arizona, the roving bands of Navajos and Paiutes found the flocks and herds of the Mormon settlers an easily available and irresistible booty. As David E. Miller notes:

Being well acquainted with all possible crossings of the Colorado, small parties of Indians often raided the outlying settlements, drove off stock and disappeared into secret hideouts southeast of the river, beyond the reach of their pursuers. At times this plundering assumed rather important proportions. One writer states that in 1867 a herd of soma twelve hundred stolen animals was pushed across the Colorado at the Crossing of the Fathers and that in one year more than a million dollars’ worth of horses, cattle and sheep was looted from the impoverished Utah frontier…

By the mid-1870s the San Juan area of southeastern Utah had for some time been known as a refuge for lawless men, white as well as red; it was literally an outlaw hideout, as the settlers would soon learn. A colony there would act as a buffer to absorb any possible hostilities far short of the rest of settled Utah. (Miller, Hole-in-the-Rock pp. 7-8).

Also of great concern to Church leaders was the occupation of all usable farm and grazing land, especially as non-Mormons threatened to acquire the land. The San Juan Region was also felt to provide a more satisfactory home for converts from the Southern states who found the winters too cold yet, according to church leaders, needed the pioneer experience to get “… a good foundation temporally and spiritually.” (John Morgan to Erastus Snow, May 9, 1978, quoted in Miller, Hole-in-the-Rock p. 6.).

Finally members of the Hole-in-the-Rock expedition were convinced that they were carrying out the work of the Lord. As one member of the expedition wrote in later years:

My purpose in this humble effort in writing about it (the Hole-in-the-Rock trek) is to convince my children and my descendants of the fact that this San Juan Mission was planned, and has been carried on thus far, by prophets of the Lord, and that the people engaged in it have been blessed and preserved by the power of the Lord according to their faith and obedience to the counsels of their leaders. No plainer case of the truth of this manifestation of the power of the lord has ever been shown in ancient or in modern times. (Kumen Jones quoted in Miller, Hole-in-the-Rock p.13)

Plans for a colonizing mission to San Juan were announced at the quarterly conference of the Parowan Stake held December 28 and 29, 1878. Although the specific location of the settlement had not been selected, people were issued calls to participate in the endeavor. For many this meant giving up comfortable homes in the older settlements of Parowan, Cedar City, Paragonah, Panguitch, and other communities. While those called were not compelled to go, many firmly believed that the call was divinely inspired and wherever church authorities directed, they would go.

In the spring of 1879 an exploring party consisting of 26 men, two women and eight children under the leader ship of Silas S. Smith, left to explore the trail to the San Juan River and select a permanent settlement location. Traveling southeast into Arizona they crossed the Colorado River at Lee’s Ferry and continued on to Moenkopi where they turned northeast and traveling through Navajo country recrossed the Utah-Arizona border and made their way to Montezuma on the San Juan River. Here they spent two and one half months exploring the area, building a dam, digging irrigation ditches and building a few houses before returning to the settlements for their families and equipment.

The trail from Moencopi to the San Juan River had proven very dry, and severe Indian threats led to the abandonment of this route as a practical way to the San Juan Region from the Southern Utah settlements. The exploring party returned to their homes by traveling north past the future site of Monticello and to the Old Spanish Trail at the south end of the LaSal Mountains. They followed the Old Spanish Tail west to the crossing of the Colorado River at present-day Moab, the Green River at present-day Green River, through Castle Valley, and down Salina Canyon to the Sevier Valley then south back to Parowan. In retrospect this northern route along the Spanish Trail would have been the most practical. However the circuitous route covered a distance of more than five hundred miles whereas a direct route would be less than half the distance.

To those called to settle the San Juan region, the report that a direct route from Escalante to the San Juan River had been found must have been taken as evidence of God’s help in the endeavor. During the summer of 1879 Andrew P. Schow and Reuben Collett of Escalante, in response to a request by Silas S. Smith the leader of the San Juan mission, explored east from Escalante with a two wheeled cart carrying a wagon box boat to the Colorado River. After crossing the river they returned to Parowan with a favorable report of the trail. Silas Smith, who was good friends with the men, was anxious to avoid both the southern and northern routes of the exploring expedition and on the strength of the Schow-Collett report, announced in September 1879 that the Expedition would proceed to the San Juan via the Escalante route.

Shortly after the announcement, members of the expedition began their journey to Escalante then on to Forty-Mile Spring which was the first major camp site and general point of rendezvous for the groups coming from different communities.

From Forty-Mile Spring exploring parties were sent out to reconoiter the trail east of the river. Despite negative reports of the feasibility of constructing a wagon road east of the river, Silas S. Smith was left with little choice but to push on ahead since the winter snows in the Escalante mountains blocked the return to their former homes. The decision to push on was welcomed in the camp and confident that the decision was divinely inspired a spirit of optimism and good will prevailed as the expedition began its push to the Colorado River and the descent through the Hole-in-the-Rock. This section of the trail was not without difficulty. Miller writes:

From a road builder’s point of view, the sixty-five mile region between the town of Escalante and the Colorado River at Hole-in-the-Rock grows progressively worse as one proceeds southward into the desert. The San Juan pioneers had experienced considerable difficulty on the first forty miles of the road, but the remaining fifteen miles they found several times more difficult. This country is very deceptive: What appears to be a fairly level plain, lying between the Straight Cliffs of Fifty-Mile Mountain and the Escalante River, is literally almost straight-walled gorges and canyons which head in the Kaiparowits and cut deeper and deeper as they extend eastward toward the Escalante River gorge….

From Forty-Mile Spring southward the washes, gulches, and canyons not only become progressively more numerous, but also much more difficult to cross. If the San Juan pioneers had merely succeeded in building a wagon road through that part of the country—to Fifty-Mile Spring—and then returned to the settlements, their achievement would have been outstanding. But this was really easy terrain to cross compared to what lay ahead. (Miller, Hole-in-the-Rock pp. 70-71).

By early December 1879 the expedition had arrived at the Hole-in-the-Rock where they would spend the next eight weeks on three major road building tasks: the notch itself; the road from the base of the cliffs to the Colorado River; and the dugway out of the river gorge to the east which had to be cut from the Solid Rock Wall.

Before work started down through the Hole-in-the-Rock, the cleft was nothing more than a very narrow crack—described as “…too narrow to allow passage for man or beast.” (Miller, Hole-in-the-Rock p. 101).

Because of the shortage of blasting powder and tools and the limited working space at the top of the Hole, the men were divided into three crews and work proceeded simultaneously on all three projects. Those working at the top of the Hole had to be lowered over the cliff with ropes until a suitable grade had been cut. Jens Nielson, Benjamin Perk ins and Hyrum Perk ins were in charge of the blasting. THe Perkins brothers became proficient in the use of blasting powder in the coal mines of Wales before emigrating to the United States.

The descent by wagon through the Hole required rough-locking the wheels and attaching long ropes to the wagon so that a dozen or more men could hang on and help slow the descent of the wagon. Women and children walked down through the Hole and were forced to slide down the forty feet at the top because it was so steep they could not walk. Writing to her parents Elizabeth Morris Decker gave this contemporary account of the descent to the river:

It is about a mile from the top down to the river and it is almost straight down, the cliffs on each side are five hundred ft. high and there is just room enough for a wagon to go down. It nearly scared me to death. The first wagon I saw go down they put the brake on and rough locked the hind wheels and had a big rope fastened to the wagon and about ten men holding back on it and then they went down like they would smash everything. I’ll never forget that day. When we was walking down Willie looked back and cried and asked me how we would ever get home, (quoted in Miller, Hole-in-the-Rock p. 116).

Despite the dangerous descent there was no major tragedy—no animals were killed and no wagons were tipped over or seriously damaged.

While the road was being cut through the Hole-in-the-Rock, four scouts were sent ahead to explore the rest of the trail to Montezuma. Setting out on December 17th the scouts readied the present site of Bluff December 28th. Despite an extremely difficult trek, marked by snowy cold weather and no food for the last four days, the scouts did locate the trail at the San Juan River and returned to the Expedition at the Hole-in-the-Rock with their report on January 14, 1880.

Although the descent through the Hole-in-the-Rock would symbolize the courage and commitment of the San Juan pioneers once across the Colorado River they would be tested at several other locations including Cottonwood Hill, The Chute, Clay Hill Pass, and San Juan Hill. This journey of 125 miles took over two months with much of the time spent in road construction.

The last great test was only a few miles from their final destination at San Juan Hill. Because of the sheer cliffs on Comb Ridge, the expedition was forced to follow Comb Wash to its junction with the San Juan River. With no choice but to go up onto Comb Ridge the pioneers spent several days building a road up the steep slope of San Juan Hill. The ascent up San Juan Hill seemed, in many ways, more difficult than the descent through the Hole-in-the-Rock. Charles Redd, whose father L.H. Redd was a member of the original expedition, wrote the following account of the climb up San Juan Hill:

Aside from the Hole-in-the-Rack, itself, this was the steepest crossing on the journey. Here again seven span of horses were used, so that when some of the horses were on their knees, fighting to get up to find a foothold, the still-erect horses could plunge upward against the sharp grade. On the worst slopes the men were forced to beat their jaded animals into giving all they had. After several pulls, rests, and pulls, many of the horses took to spasms and near convulsions, so exhausted were they. By the tine irost of the outfits were across, the worst stretches could easily be identified by the dried blood and matted hair from the forelegs of the struggling teams. My father (L.H. Redd, Jr) was a strong man, and reluctant to display emotion; but whenever in later years the full pathos of San Juan Hill was recalled either by himself or by someone else, the memory of such bitter struggles was too much for him and he wept. (Miller, Hole-in-the-Rock pp. 139-140).

Once on top of Comb Ridge the road, with the exception of constructing dugways into and out of Butler Wash, was relatively easy on to the San Juan River. However, the expedition stopped eighteen miles short of the intended destination of Montezuma and named the site of their new settlement Bluff.

Although he Hole-in-the-Rock Trail did not become a major highway, it was used on occasion until the Hall’s Crossing route was opened several years later. However, much of the trail, with the exception of the difficult stretch from Lake Canyon to the Hole-in-the-Rock, was used as part of the Hall’s Crossing route. Jeep expeditions and hikers still follow the trail and major commemoration activities are planned for the Centennial Anniversary of the Hole-in-the-Rock Expedition in 1980.

Escalante Cemetery

05 Thursday May 2022

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Cemeteries, Escalante, Garfield County, utah

The cemetery in Escalante, Utah

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Escalante Post Office

04 Wednesday May 2022

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Escalante, Garfield County, Post Offices, utah

Escalante Post Office
230 West Main Street in Escalante, Utah

Escalante Historic District

08 Wednesday Dec 2021

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Escalante, Escalante Historic District, Garfield County, utah

The Escalante Historic District is roughly bounded by 300 North, 300 East, 300 South and 300/400 West in Escalante, Utah.

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  • National Register Registration Form (#13000127)

Escalante’s architectural history reflects the evolution of a community that grew up around a single industry (livestock) and declined when that industry diminished. In its early years (1876-1920), Escalante boomed with the expansion of the local livestock industry. This boom precipitated a surge in construction activity. Over 40 percent of all structures and nearly two thirds of the contributing structures in the historic district were constructed during Escalante’s first 45 years.

As the livestock industry declined, however, Escalante’s population decreased and so, too, did construction activity. Less than 60 percent of all the buildings and less than 40 percent of the historic structures in the district were constructed in the 90-year period between 1920 and 20 I 0. New buildings that were constructed after 1920 primarily replaced existing
structures rather than occupying vacant lots, diminishing the historic housing stock. In short, construction after 1920 did not significantly increase the building stock in the historic district and, in particular, the stock of contributing buildings.

The district comprises 289 resources, of which 124 (43 percent) contribute to its historic character: Non-historic resources in the district are divided between 71 non-contributing and 94 out-of-period resources (25 and 33 percent of all resources, respectively). The vast majority of contributing structures (over 75 percent) are residential, with agricultural, religious, and commercial resources being the other uses of greater than one percent. The most common exterior cladding for all structures in the district is aluminum siding (indicative of a gradual progression toward less expensive materials), followed by brick and wood siding. For contributing structures specifically, brick is by far the most prevalent material, followed by wood siding and aluminum siding.

Development Patterns

Although it was originally settled by Mormons, Escalante was not established as a Mormon colony as assigned by Brigham Young. Rather, it was settled because of the increased opportunities for livestock grazing and farming that its relatively mild climate offered.

Nevertheless, Escalante was platted and developed along the lines of other Mormon villages. This development pattern, based on the Plat for the City of Zion, called for wide streets with five-acre blocks divided into four individual lots of 1.25 acres each. The large lots provided space for domestic agriculture, including produce and livestock. Most homesites would therefore have included not only the house but outbuildings and other structures, such as backhouses, granaries, barns, and corrals. The original townsite comprised 18 of these five-acre blocks along the banks of Escalante
Creek.

As with most Mormon villages, development was concentrated within the urban boundaries. Very few houses were built outside of the original townsite (on farms, for example, as might be found in rural communities in other parts of the country). Rather, farmers and ranchers lived in town and “commuted” to their farms and ranches outside of town. As the town expanded, it maintained the basic five-acre block configuration, although some larger parcels were distributed around the edge of the urban boundary.

Summary of Architectural Styles by Period

Building types in Escalante represent a typical “sampling” for rural Utah communities. As mentioned above, the vast majority of contributing structures are residential, and most of these were constructed prior to 1920. Not surprisingly, the primary building types are house types common to periods prior to 1920: bungalow, cross wing, hall parlor, and foursquare. Later house types (ranch/rambler and World War II-era cottage) are less numerous but still fairly common in the district. Contributing buildings also include a handful of civic, religious, and commercial buildings, as well as barns and other outbuildings (“backhouses”). (However, backhouses and other outbuildings are not being counted as primary buildings.) Of the non-residential buildings, the most common uses are churches, barns, and commercial/civic buildings.

Buildings in the historic district do not reflect a distinctive architectural style-i.e. a style (or styles) unique to the region or to Escalante itself. Rather, they reflect prevailing styles and types of the period in which they were built. In Escalante’s early years, those styles were a little “behind the times,” reflecting Escalante’s remoteness. For example, classical styles, which had cycled out of fashion in most of the rest of the country by the mid 1800s, remained popular in Escalante until the end of the 19th century and even into the early 20th century. While this pattern was typical for Utah and the broader region, it was more pronounced in Escalante because of the community’s isolation.

Because most of the contributing buildings in the district were constructed prior to 1920, the most common architectural styles in the district are those associated with the early 20th century and latter half of the 19th century: Prairie School, Arts and Crafts, Classical, and Victorian. As with building types, more modern styles (Ranch/Rambler and Minimal Traditional) are less common but still present in the district. (Note: These observations reflect the fact that more than one style may be attributed to some buildings.)

Settlement 1875 -1889

Escalante was settled in phases. Although the first Anglo settlers arrived in 1875 to prepare for settlement, no permanent residents lived in Escalante until 1876. So Escalante’s first “houses” were primitive, meant to provide only rudimentary, temporary shelter. These earliest residences were dugouts-literally, holes in the ground-usually about 100 to 150 square feet by six feet high, with roofs made of cottonwood poles and rushes covered with dirt. As more permanent structures were built, many of these dugouts were simply built over and served as root cellars or basements for houses or outbuildings later constructed on the same sites.

By 1876, lumber was being produced by local saw mills, and wood houses became the norm, which was not typical of other settlements in Utah, where stone and adobe brick were more common. Rapid population growth was prompted by the burgeoning livestock industry, so that by 1877 “the townsite was dotted by a number of one and two-room log houses.” Made from whole logs or thick planks, these modest single- or double-cell structures had shingle, shake, or board-and-batten roofs, simple windows with one or two panes, and dirt or flagstone floors.

The prime examples of single-cell cabins from this period are the Rufus Liston cabin (1885) that has been reconstructed and relocated to the city park at 50 East Main Street and a log house (1890) located at 250 South Center Street. As Escalante matured and developed, these single-cell log houses were often moved and replaced with new houses, used as “cores” for new houses constructed around them, or simply covered with siding.

While most of Escalante’s earliest houses were simple, functional structures, some examples remain of larger, more elaborate houses, reflecting architectural types and styles imported from other places. One of the earliest houses extant in Escalante is the Don Carlos Schurtz house at 90 West 200 North (c. 1880 or earlier). This is very nice example of a central-passage type, which was fairly common for wealthier settlers in early Utah. Interestingly, there are no extant double-cell houses from this early era. This lack of double-cell houses in Escalante is atypical, as the type was one of the most common in early Utah. However, in Escalante’s early years, the hall parlor was the more common type of larger house, with its larger “hall” and smaller “parlor.” The asymmetry of the interior was masked by a symmetrical façade. Because of this external symmetry, hall-parlor houses were most often designed in classical styles, with geometric composition, centrally spaced doors, and evenly-spaced windows.

This ubiquitous blend of hall parlor type with classical style is found in the house at 90 South 100 East (c. 1890) and the Edmund Allen house at 80 East 200 North (1890). The latter house displays elements that also indicate a transition in Escalante from classical styling to Victorian influences. Classical designs are also displayed in Escalante’s earliest civic and religious buildings. The tithing office at 20 South Center Street (1884) displays elements of Greek revival style with its pedimented gables and window heads. The tithing office also demonstrates the use by early residents of a range of locally available materials beyond wood-in this case, sandstone.

Other materials, primarily adobe, were used during this period, although the use of adobe was brief, as brick soon became the material of choice. The walls of adobe houses were usually at least 12 inches thick and often covered with stucco. The remaining example of adobe construction from this period is the Don Carlos Schurz house mentioned above. As with the Edmund Allen house, the Schurz house reflects a transition in Escalante from classical to Victorian styles, displaying the symmetry of the former and the ornamentation of the latter.

Finally, local materials included concrete, as exemplified by the historic jail house at 50 West Main Street ( c.1890). This structure is somewhat unique in Utah in that it is made entirely of formed concrete, a material that was not common in Utah until after the tum of the 20th century.

Economic Prosperity 1890 -1919

The thirty years from 1890 to 1920 represent Escalante’s “golden” period. With livestock counts at their peak, Escalante was “one of the richest communities in southern Utah.” This prosperity was accompanied by rapid growth that fostered a construction boom. Not surprisingly, over 60 percent of the contributing resources in the historic district were built during this 30-year period.

From its modest beginnings, Escalante was maturing. “By 1900, Escalante was looking more like a settlement. Log or lumber houses had replaced the dugouts, and adobe or brick houses were now beginning to dot the landscape.” Nevertheless, “older” architectural types, styles, and materials still lingered into the 20th century as evidenced by an abandoned wood-sided double-cell house in classical style at 245 South 300 East (1910). This is the only known remaining double-cell house in the city.

Although houses continued to be constructed based on earlier types (e.g. hall parlor and double cell), the prevalent stylistic elements began to reflect a transition to a more contemporary Victorian aesthetic. The earliest known example of a hall-parlor house in the Victorian style is the Ed Twitchell house at 185 West 300 South (1895). As in other parts of the country, Victorian houses in Escalante were characterized by asymmetrical facades, roofs with steep pitches, and detailed decorative woodwork. By and large, Victorian houses in Escalante don’t fall into a particular style but are classified as Victorian eclectic, and earlier examples tend to be less ornate.

As Victorian styles became more common in Escalante, so did the building type most commonly associated with Victorian architecture: the cross-wing. Constructed with two wings set at right angles, the cross-wing displayed the
asymmetry essential to Victorian styles and emerged as a common house type in Escalante at the tum of the 20th century. The earliest example of a cross-wing house is at 90 North Center Street (1900).

These earlier examples of Victorian architecture are relatively simple in their detailing, but later Victorian houses in Escalante incorporated more elaborate ornamentation. The William Henry Gates house at 120 South Center Street (1910) displays the more intricate woodwork associated with the Eastlake style. While the cross-wing house was the predominant type between 1900 and 1910, Victorian houses were built in other types, including central passage and central block with projecting bays. An example of the former type is found at 185 West Main Street (1895), and an example of the latter type is found at 95 West 200 North (1905).

These new influences and more permanent materials marked a transition to a more established, more settled community. Escalante’s incorporation in 1903 expressed a permanence reflected in new buildings. As local kilns started production, brick replaced wood and adobe as a more permanent material, and new houses in Escalante increasingly incorporated building types and design influences from the rest of the country. The primary building types from this period represent the more general transition across the country from 19th to 20th century architecture: bungalow, cross wing, foursquare, and central block with projecting bays.

By 1910, the more “modem” bungalow house type began to appear in Escalante. The most common house type in the historic district, the bungalow was constructed with a low-pitched roof, broad eaves, and a wide porch or veranda. Bungalows in Escalante were constructed primarily in a vernacular Arts and Crafts style, with a prime example located at 89 North 200 East (1923). While local brick was, by far, the most common material, other materials included stucco and wood.

Aside from the bungalow and cross wing, the other primary house type from this period is the foursquare. In Escalante, these houses did not conform to the typical foursquare, but tended to be simple, small, and unadorned, and usually had porch notched into the plan. So, in the regard, they are only a foursquare in that they have a square plan. None of them
fall into a particular stylistic category. The prime example of this type is located at 90 West Main Street (1916).

Residential Outbuildings

Homesites in Escalante contain a prevalence of what are known locally as “backhouses”-small (usually one-room), stand-alone structures that provided additional living space. Historian Edward Geary has observed that “[t]he backhouses of Escalante are not unique, but I know of no other Utah town where so many of them remain, or where even houses constructed in relatively recent times often have them.”

Because the backhouse often served to expand indoor living space (for sleeping, cooking, etc.), its existence reduced the need for more living space in the house itself. Even as advances in architectural style and building technology made larger houses possible, Escalante residents continued to build and use backhouses as additional living space into the middle of the 20th century. Many of these structures are still in use, whether they still stand separate or have been structurally connected to the house.

Backhouses therefore represent an important architectural and historical element in Escalante’s historic district. A prime example of a backhouse is the brick example located behind the ornate central-passage house at 290 West 200 North (c. 1890). Although this particular example is constructed of brick, backhouses were also constructed of wood siding and sometimes stone. As mentioned above, backhouses were often constructed over dugouts, and in some cases, as at 90 North 300 East (c. 1910), backhouses were also sometimes integrated into the house. As utilitarian buildings, backhouses were simple, generally constructed as single-cell structures in a simple style most accurately classified as a vernacular representation of the classical style. (It should be noted that only primary buildings are counted in the resource count. Outbuildings are not included in the count of buildings but are being discussed here because of their unique history in Escalante.)

Barns

As was typical of Mormon villages, self-sufficiency was an integral concept in the planning and design of Escalante. While ranching and farming took place on properties outside of town, each lot in town included space not only for residences but also for barns, granaries, and other structures (e.g. corrals) to allow residents to raise their own meat and produce. Barns therefore played a significant role in Escalante’s residential development. Barns were a common feature of the typical Escalante homesite, although many original barns have collapsed or been demolished in the past decade or so. The primary purpose for domestic barns was the storage of alfalfa or hay.

Barns were constructed primarily in one of two types: the English (“three-bay”) barn (distinguished by a large entrance at the center of the broad side) or the Intermountain barn (distinguished by an entrance at the gable end). An example of the former type is found at 290 East 200 South (1910). An example of the latter type is found at 120 South 100 East (1920). While backhouses, granaries, and other outbuildings incorporated a variety of
construction materials, barns in Escalante were built exclusively of wood.

Other

The period of prosperity from 1890 to 1920 also saw the construction of Escalante’s first commercial buildings, including the Zion’s Cooperative Mercantile Institution (no longer standing), the Peoples Exchange at 105 North Center Street (1900), and Griffin Grocery/Hardware at 9 West Main Street (1920).

The People’s Exchange is Escalante’s only significant (contributing) remaining commercial building. A two-part block building, it displays elements of Victorian commercial style with a recessed entry flanked by large display windows and the styling and ornamentation found on houses built in the Victorian style. This structure as a whole is an interesting example of a commercial building being added to an earlier residential building. Griffin Grocery/Hardware is a simple one-part block building with no defining style.

One religious building remains from this period: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints meetinghouse at 55 North 100 West (1920). Built of brick, it is a rare example of period revival style in Escalante, displaying colonial revival detailing with its symmetrical facade, fanlights, and classical ornamentation.

Economic Transition 1920 -1963

The early years of this period saw a continued decline in the livestock industry. As the period progressed, an infusion of people and money through Civilian Conservation Corps projects temporarily added to Escalante’s population, which reached its peak in 1940 at 1,161 residents. But a slow steady decline in population starting in 1940 resulted in a
contraction in building activity. In 1950, Lowry Nelson noted in that, although 90 new houses had been built between his first survey in 1923 and his follow-up in 1950, most replaced existing houses rather than adding to Escalante’s housing stock. By Nelson’s count, only 49 net new houses were added during this 27-year period.

Early in this period, the bungalow continued to be the primary building type in Escalante, the prime example being a house at 185 North 300 West (1923). Smaller, simpler “box” bungalows, typically with only a small porch or no porch at all, also remain from this period. The most recent example is located at 131 East 100 North ( 1938). These houses are notable primarily because they indicate a shift to smaller, less ornate houses (e.g. they are constructed with various types of siding rather than with brick}–probably a result of the Great Depression but perhaps more directly a result of the declining livestock economy in Escalante.

These box bungalows were the precursors of the World War II era cottage that, by the 1930s, had replaced the bungalow as the primary house type and that seemed particularly well suited to Escalante given the community’s propensity for smaller, simpler houses. Based on a small, square floorplan, the World War II era cottage displayed little ornamentation, emphasizing function (in particular, ease of construction) over form. As a result, houses of this type in Escalante reflect the minimal traditional style, with straight lines, large (picture) windows in the front fa9ade, and little if any ornamentation.

The prime example ofthe World War II era cottage in Escalante is located at 215 West 200 North (c.1935). Most of these cottages were constructed of brick, although by this time brick was imported from elsewhere (i.e., no
longer produced in Escalante). Perhaps because of this change in availability (and expense), brick became less common as a building material in Escalante, and houses increasingly incorporated siding or veneers.

Towards the end of this period, houses once again grew larger, although their styling remained relatively simple and unadorned. Generally, these houses are categorized in the ranch/rambler type (and style), with earlier versions representing essentially an elongated World War II era cottage and later versions even more extended to create greater separation between living areas and bedrooms. Stylistically, early ranch/rambler houses maintain the characteristics of the minimal traditional style-little ornamentation, gabled roofs, and straight, clean lines such as the example at 120 W. 200 South (1948). In addition, the front entry in ranch/rambler houses is understated, with no ornamentation or accentuation. As the 1950s progressed, the ranch house became more extended in size, taking up more
of the width of the lot. Escalante has few full-size ranch-type houses. One of the better examples is located at 130 South 200 West (c.1960).

The emphasis in this period on simpler house types has led naturally from the World War II era cottage to ranch style houses to the mobile home. Particularly in the rural areas of Utah, the mobile became popular as married children stayed with their parents to help with the farm. The mobile home-and later, the manufactured/modular home-made it possible for them to place their residence next to their parents. An example of an early mobile home from this period is located at 195 West 200 North ( c.1963). As with ranch/rambler houses, mobile homes are not necessarily
associated with a particular style, although the above example displays design characteristics typical of mobile homes: a long, narrow profile, a relative lack of windows, and metal siding.

Few contributing non-residential buildings remain from this period in Escalante. The prime example is the LDS Meetinghouse at 70 South Center Street (1945), which reflects details associated with the PW A Moderne
style, with its flat roof, straight lines, and subtle art deco motifs.

Tourism and Public Employment: 1964 -2012

Although the most recent period in Escalante’s architectural evolution is outside of the period of significance, some context is included in Section 8. However, as the buildings would be considered out of period, no examples are provided here.

Intrusions

While the historic district contains a large number of eligible resources, considering the boundaries contain the majority of the city limits, there are also many intrusions that do not either the age or integrity standards. Nearly 60 percent of the structures that were evaluated are non-contributing or out-of-period. In most cases, these structures reflect the
progression of architectural types and styles in Escalante but have been modified to the extent that their original historic character is no longer intact. Some early example include the houses at 110 West 200 North (c.l895) and 0 West 100 North (c.1895). Both show significant alteration, including major additions, modem siding, and metal or vinyl sliding windows– the kinds of modifications typical to homes that owners have attempted to “modernize.”

Out-of-period structures show a progression toward inexpensive houses that are relatively easy to construct such as manufacture/modular homes like this example located at 340 North 300 West (c.2005). Nearly 50 percent of the out-of-period structures are either mobile homes or manufactured homes, although the later ranch/rambler type represents nearly 20 percent of out-of-period structures. Some other examples include a more-recent ranch house at 240 East 100 South (c. 2000) and a more contemporary house at 170 North Center (c.1990).

Comb Ridge

20 Thursday Apr 2017

Posted by Jacob Barlow in Uncategorized

≈ 2 Comments

Tags

Bluff, Comb Ridge, Comb Wash, Escalante, Mexican Hat, San Juan County, utah

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Comb Ridge

William H. Jackson of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey conducted the first formal archaeological exploration of the Comb Ridge area.  Originating in the Colorado Territory, Jackson and his team reached Comb Ridge by following ancient trails along the banks of the San Juan River.  After exploring Chinle Creek (south of the San Juan River) they explored Comb Wash and its tributaries as they traveled north to the Abajo Mountains.

In 1880 Comb Ridge presented a major obstacle for the Mormon pioneers who were blazing a wagon road through the terribly rugged terrain between Escalante, Utah and the Four Corners Area.   The 250 men, women and children of the expedition were fulfilling a “call” from their church to establish a settlement along the banks of the San Juan River.

When they reached the base of Comb Ridge, the Pioneers traveled south down Comb Wash to the San Juan River.  At the juncture of the San Juan River (four miles south of here), they labored on a road over the southern slope of Comb Ridge which they named San Juan Hill.  Weakened by past barriers and nearby six months under the most trying of circumstances, Comb Ridge proved nearly too much for their worn out wagons and teams.  Charles Redd recorded, “By the time most of the outfits were across, the worst stretches could easily be identified by the dried blood and matted hair from the forelegs of the struggling teams.”  Within days of crossing over Comb Ridge, the pioneers began to establish their settlement, Bluff City.

2017-03-12 15.07.17

Hell’s Backbone

21 Saturday Jan 2017

Posted by Jacob Barlow in Uncategorized

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

Boulder, Escalante, Garfield County, utah

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Hell’s Backbone Road is a 38-mile  gravel road that was built by the Civilian Conservation Corps in the 1930s, and connects the towns of Boulder, Utah and Escalante, Utah. Halfway along the road is Hell’s Backbone Bridge, which is 109 feet long, and 14 feet wide. A 1,500-foot  drop is on either side. Near the bridge are spectacular views of the Box-Death Hollow Wilderness. From late spring to autumn, the road, which climbs to more than 9,000 feet elevation, is easily passable by ordinary passenger vehicles, but it is very narrow and winding, and not for the faint of heart.

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Head of the Rocks Overlook

14 Wednesday Dec 2016

Posted by Jacob Barlow in Uncategorized

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Boulder, Escalante, Garfield County, Highway 12, Overlooks, utah

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An overlook with breathtaking views, as the sign at the location says, on a clear day you can see forever.

This is a pull-out on Highway 12 between Escalante and Boulder.

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Escalante Cross above Spanish Fork

12 Friday Dec 2014

Posted by Jacob Barlow in Uncategorized

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Escalante, Escalante y Dominguez, spanish fork, utah, utah county

I hiked up to the Escalante Cross again today, for more information check out this link.

I always enjoy that hike and just wanted to share the pictures this time.

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I found the following online:
Recent accounts have reported sightings of a ”shadowy wolf-like figure” near the foothills of Mt. Loafer. Sightings have been reported in the same general area as the Escalante Cross. The 37 foot cross towers over the small town of Spanish Fork on Dominguez hill. The cross is said to be a landmark planted in honor of the Dominguez and Esclante expedition. However, this is not the original cross planted by Silvestre Vlez de Escalante and Francisco Atanasio Domnguez in 1776. It is said that a similar cross, like the one we see today, was originally planted by the two Franciscan Friars. Journal entries found, written by these Christian explorers, tell us the cross was planted to warn off an ”evil entity” which was said to have haunted the travelers in their sleep. Tormented by howling, and sightings of this ”creature”, the explorers left abruptly, without explanation. The cross we see today was planted in 1981, in place of the original. Little do most Spanish Fork residents know, the terrifying history behind the so-called ”Escalante Cross.”

L.D.S. Tithing Office

20 Monday Jan 2014

Posted by Jacob Barlow in Uncategorized

≈ 1 Comment

Tags

DUP, Escalante, Garfield County, historic, utah

picture24jul07-135

This structure, the second public building in Escalante, was erected in 1884 of native stone by Mormon pioneers under the direction of Bishop Andrew P. Schow, Edwin Twitchell and Thomas Heaps. The stone mason was Morgan Richards. It was used to receive and house the tithing of the people, which was paid in kind and consisted chiefly of produce from the farms and gardens. Potatoes and perishable foods were stored in the basement. The building is now used as a D.U.P. Relic Hall.

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Old Boulder Mail Trail

20 Monday Jan 2014

Posted by Jacob Barlow in Uncategorized

≈ 2 Comments

Tags

Boulder, DUP, Escalante, Garfield County, historic, utah

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The isolated trails between Boulder and Escalante, Utah, were important in the history of the two towns. The foot trail, used by Indians for centuries, connected the two areas and was known as the Death Hollow Trail. Mules, horses, or people traversed this steep and dangerous area.

In 1902 a contract at $200 per year by the U.S. Postal Service was given to James Schow for the twice-weekly mail delivery over the shorter Indian trail. He used two to ten mules to carry mail, medicine, and occasional travelers. This Old Boulder Mail Trail left Escalante, crossed the creek, and climbed the hill on the white rocks seen just above the dark ridge. In some places steps were cut into the rocks. At the top of the hill, going was easier across the Antone Flat, then became more perilous at the famous descent into Death Hollow. The trail crossed Mamie Creek and Sand Creek, then arrived at New Home Bench where mail for Salt Gulch was left in a wooden box nailed to a tree.

In 1910 the U.S. Forest Service ran a telephone line along the trail to Boulder, attaching the wires to rocks and trees. Some of the glass insulators can still be seen in the treetops. In 1924 Parcel Post became available, and the mules carried in sewing machines, boots, pots, pans, machine parts, and cans of cream which were sent on to the creamery.

In the early 1930s, the Civilian Conservation Corps built better roads, and when the Hell’s Backbone Bridge was completed, this mail trail was unnecessary. The trail was still a shortcut and was often used by young men hurrying to a dance in either town. This monument is a tribute to those who endured the trail.

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